El labrador y la serpiente

En una ocasión el hijo de un labrador dio un fuerte golpe a una serpiente, la que lo mordió y envenenado muere. El padre, presa del dolor persigue a la serpiente con un hacha y le corta la cola. Más tarde el hombre pretende hacer las paces con la serpiente y ésta le contesta "en vano trabajas, buen hombre, porque entre nosotros no puede haber ya amistad, pues mientras yo me viere sin cola y tú a tu hijo en el sepulcro, no es posible que ninguno de los dos tenga el ánimo tranquilo".

Mientras dura la memoria de las injurias, es casi imposible desvanecer los odios.

Esopo

viernes, 29 de enero de 2021

 

STALIN: THE COURT OF THE RED TSAR

BY

SIMON SEBAG MONTEFIORE


PART ONE: THAT WONDERFUL TIME: STALIN AND NADYA 1878–1932

 

1.   The Georgian and the schoolgirl

Nadya and Stalin had been married for fourteen years but it extended deeper and longer than that, so steeped was their marriage in Bolshevism. They had shared the formative experiences of the underground life and intimacy with Lenin during the Revolution, then the Civil War. Stalin had known her family for nearly thirty years and he had first met her in 1904 when she was three. He was then twenty-five and he had been a Marxist for six years.

Joseph Vissarionovich Djugashvili was not born on 21 December 1879, Stalin’s official birthday. “Soso” was actually born in a tiny shack (that still exists) to Vissarion, or “Beso,” and his wife Ekaterina, “Keke,” née Geladze, over a year earlier on 6 December 1878. They lived in Gori, a small town beside the Kura River in the romantic, mountainous and defiantly un-Russian province of Georgia, a small country thousands of miles from the Tsar’s capital: it was closer to Baghdad than St. Petersburg.[1] Westerners often do not realize how foreign Georgia was: an independent kingdom for millennia with its own ancient language, traditions, cuisine, literature, it was only consumed by Russia in gulps between 1801 and 1878. With its sunny climate, clannish blood feuds, songs and vineyards, it resembles Sicily more than Siberia.

Soso’s father was a violent, drunken semi-itinerant cobbler who savagely beat both Soso and Keke. She in turn, as the child later recalled, “thrashed him mercilessly.” Soso once threw a dagger at his father. Stalin reminisced how Beso and Father Charkviani, the local priest, indulged in drinking bouts together to the fury of his mother: “Father, don’t make my husband a drunk, it’ll destroy my family.” Keke threw out Beso. Stalin was proud of her “strong willpower.” When Beso later forcibly took Soso to work as a cobbling apprentice in Tiflis, Keke’s priests helped get him back.

Stalin’s mother took in washing for local merchants. She was pious and became close to the priests who protected her. But she was also earthy and spicy: she may have made the sort of compromises that are tempting for a penniless single mother, becoming the mistress of her employers. This inspired the legends that often embroider the paternity of famous men. It is possible that Stalin was the child of his godfather, an affluent innkeeper, officer and amateur wrestler named Koba Egnatashvili. Afterwards, Stalin protected Egnatashvili’s two sons, who remained friends until his death and reminisced in old age about Egnatashvili’s wrestling prowess. Nonetheless, one sometimes has to admit that great men are the children of their own fathers. Stalin was said to resemble Beso uncannily. Yet he himself once asserted that his father was a priest.

Stalin was born with the second and third toes of his left foot joined. He suffered a pock-marked face from an attack of smallpox and later damaged his left arm, possibly in a carriage accident. He grew up into a sallow, stocky, surly youth with speckled honey-coloured eyes and thick black hair— a kinto, Georgian street urchin. He was exceptionally intelligent with an ambitious mother who wanted him to be a priest, perhaps like his real father. Stalin later boasted that he learned to read at five by listening to Father Charkviani teaching the alphabet. The five-year-old then helped Charkviani’s thirteen-year-old daughter with her reading.

In 1888, he entered the Gori Church School and then, triumphantly, in 1894, won a “five rouble scholarship” to the Tiflis Seminary in the Georgian capital. As Stalin later told a confidant, “My father found out that along with the scholarship, I also earned money (five roubles a month) as a choirboy . . . and once I went out and saw him standing there: “ ‘Young man, sir,’ said Beso, ‘you’ve forgotten your father . . . Give me at least three roubles, don’t be as mean as your mother!’

“ ‘Don’t shout!’ replied Soso. ‘If you don’t leave immediately, I’ll call the watchman!’ ” Beso slunk away.[2] He apparently died of cirrhosis of the liver in 1909.

Stalin sometimes sent money to help his mother but henceforth kept his distance from Keke whose dry wit and rough discipline resembled his own. There has been too much cod-psychology about Stalin’s childhood but this much is certain: raised in a poor priest-ridden household, he was damaged by violence, insecurity and suspicion but inspired by the local traditions of religious dogmatism, blood-feuding and romantic brigandry. “Stalin did not like to speak about his parents and childhood” but it is meaningless to over-analyse his psychology. He was emotionally stunted and lacked empathy yet his antennae were supersensitive. He was abnormal but Stalin himself understood that politicians are rarely normal: History, he wrote later, is full of “abnormal people.”

The seminary provided his only formal education. This boarding school’s catechismic teaching and “Jesuitical methods” of “surveillance, spying, invasion of the inner life, the violation of people’s feelings” repelled, but impressed, Soso so acutely that he spent the rest of his life refining their style and methods. It stimulated this autodidact’s passion for reading but he became an atheist in the first year. “I got some friends,” he said, “and a bitter debate started between the believers and us!” He soon embraced Marxism.

In 1899, he was expelled from the seminary, joined the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party and became a professional revolutionary, adopting the nom de revolution Koba, inspired by the hero of a novel, The Parricide, by Alexander Kazbegi, a dashing, vindictive Caucasian outlaw. He combined the “science” of Marxism with his soaring imagination: he wrote romantic poetry, published in Georgian, before working as a weatherman at the Tiflis Meteorological Institute, the only job he held before becoming one of the rulers of Russia in 1917.

“Koba” was convinced by the universal panacea of Marxism, “a philosophical system” that suited the obsessive totality of his character. The class struggle also matched his own melodramatic pugnacity. The paranoid secrecy of the intolerant and idiosyncratic Bolshevik culture dovetailed with Koba’s own self-contained confidence and talent for intrigue. Koba plunged into the underworld of revolutionary politics that was a seething, stimulating mixture of conspiratorial intrigue, ideological nitpicking, scholarly education, factional games, love affairs with other revolutionaries, police infiltration and organizational chaos. These revolutionaries hailed from every background—Russians, Armenians, Georgians and Jews, workers, noblemen, intellectuals and daredevils—and organized strikes, printing presses, meetings and heists. United in the obsessional study of Marxist literature, there was always a division between the educated bourgeois émigrés, like Lenin himself, and the rough men of action in Russia itself. The underground life, always itinerant and dangerous, was the formative experience not only of Stalin but of all his comrades. This explains much that happens later.[3]

In 1902, Koba won the spurs of his first arrest and Siberian exile, the first of seven such exiles from which he escaped six times. These exiles were far from Stalin’s brutal concentration camps: the Tsars were inept policemen. They were almost reading holidays in distant Siberian villages with one part-time gendarme on duty, during which revolutionaries got to know (and hate) each other, corresponded with their comrades in Petersburg or Vienna, discussed abstruse questions of dialectical materialism, and had affairs with local girls. When the call of freedom or revolution became urgent, they escaped, yomping across the taiga to the nearest train. In exile, Koba’s teeth, a lifelong source of pain, began to deteriorate.

Koba avidly supported Vladimir Lenin and his seminal work, What Is to Be Done? This domineering political genius combined the Machiavellian practicality of seizing power with mastery of Marxist ideology. Exploiting the schism that would lead to the creation of his own Bolshevik Party, Lenin’s message was that a supreme Party of professional revolutionaries could seize power for the workers and then rule in their name in a “dictatorship of the proletariat” until this was no longer necessary because socialism had been achieved. Lenin’s vision of the Party as “the advance detachment” of the “army of proletarians . . . a fighting group of leaders” set the militarist tone of Bolshevism.[4]

In 1904, on Koba’s return to Tiflis, he met his future father-in-law Sergei Alliluyev, twelve years his senior, a skilled Russian electrical artisan married to Olga Fedorenko, a strong-willed Georgian-German-Gypsy beauty with a taste for love affairs with revolutionaries, Poles, Hungarians, even Turks. It was whispered that Olga had an affair with the young Stalin, who fathered his future wife, Nadya. This is false since Nadezhda was already three when her parents first met Koba, but his affair with Olga is entirely credible and he himself may have hinted at it. Olga, who, according to her granddaughter Svetlana, had a “weakness for southern men,” saying “Russian men are boors,” always had a “soft spot” for Stalin. Her marriage was difficult. Family legend has Nadya’s elder brother Pavel seeing his mother making up to Koba. Such short liaisons were everyday occurrences among revolutionaries.

Long before they fell in love, Stalin and Nadya were part of the Bolshevik family who passed through the Alliluyev household: Kalinin and Yenukidze among others at that dinner in 1932. There was another special link: soon afterwards, Koba met the Alliluyevs in Baku, and saved Nadya from drowning in the Caspian Sea, a romantic bond if ever there was one.[5]

Koba meanwhile married another sprig of a Bolshevik family. Ekaterina, “Kato,” a placid, darkly pretty Georgian daughter of a cultured family, was the sister of Alexander Svanidze, also a Bolshevik graduate of the Tiflis seminary who joined Stalin’s Kremlin entourage. Living in a hut near the Baku oilfields, Kato gave him a son, Yakov. But Koba’s appearances at home were sporadic and unpredictable.

During the 1905 Revolution, in which Leon Trotsky, a Jewish journalist, bestrode the Petersburg Soviet, Koba claimed he was organizing peasant revolts in the Kartli region of Georgia. After the Tsarist backlash, he travelled to a Bolshevik conference in Tammerfors, Finland—his first meeting with his hero, Lenin, “that mountain eagle.” The next year, Koba travelled to the Congress in Stockholm. On his return, he lived the life of a Caucasian brigand, raising Party funds in bank robberies or “expropriations”: he boasted in old age of these “heists . . . our friends grabbed 250,000 roubles in Yerevan Square!”

After visiting London for a Congress, Koba’s beloved, half-ignored Kato died “in his arms” in Tiflis of tuberculosis on 25 November 1907. Koba was heartbroken. When the little procession reached the cemetery, Koba pressed a friend’s hand and said, “This creature softened my heart of stone. She died and with her died my last warm feelings for people.” He pressed his heart: “It’s desolate here inside.” Yet he left their son Yakov to be brought up by Kato’s family. After hiding in the Alliluyevs’ Petersburg apartment, he was recaptured and returned to his place of banishment, Solvychegodsk. It was in this remote one-horse town in January 1910 that Koba moved into the house of a young widow named Maria Kuzakova by whom he fathered a son[6]. Soon afterwards, he was involved in a love affair with a schoolgirl of seventeen named Pelageya Onufrieva. When she went back to school, he wrote: “Let me kiss you now. I am not simply sending a kiss but am KISSSSSING you passionately (it’s not worth kissing otherwise).” The locals in the north Russified “Iosef ” to “Osip” and his letters to Pelageya were often signed by her revealing nickname for him: “Oddball Osip.”[7]

After yet another escape, Koba returned to Petersburg in 1912, sharing digs with a ponderous Bolshevik who was to be the comrade most closely associated with him: Vyacheslav Scriabin, only twenty-two, had just followed the Bolshevik custom of assuming a macho nom de revolution and called himself that “industrial name” Molotov—“the hammer.” Koba had also assumed an “industrial” alias: he first signed an article “Stalin” in 1913. It was no coincidence that “Stalin” sounds like “Lenin.” He may have been using it earlier and not just for its metallic grit. Perhaps he borrowed the name from the “buxom pretty” Bolshevik named Ludmilla Stal with whom he had had an affair.[8]

This “wonderful Georgian,” as Lenin called him, was co-opted by the Party’s Central Committee at the end of the Prague conference of 1912. In November, Koba Stalin travelled from Vienna to Cracow to meet Lenin with whom he stayed: the leader supervised his keen disciple in the writing of an article expressing Bolshevik policy on the sensitive nationality question, henceforth Stalin’s expertise. “Marxism and the National Question,” arguing for holding together the Russian Empire, won him ideological kudos and Lenin’s trust.

“Did you write all of it?” asked Lenin (according to Stalin).

“Yes . . . Did I make mistakes?”

“No, on the contrary, splendid!” This was his last trip abroad until the Teheran Conference in 1943.

In February 1913, Stalin was rearrested and given a suspiciously light exile: was he an agent of the Tsar’s secret police, the Okhrana? The historical sensationalism of Stalin’s duplicity shows a naïve misunderstanding of underground life: the revolutionaries were riddled with Okhrana spies but many were double or triple agents.[9] Koba was willing to betray colleagues who opposed him though, as the Okhrana admitted in their reports, he remained a fanatical Marxist—and that is what mattered.

Stalin’s final exile began in 1913 in the distant cold north-east of Siberia, where he was nicknamed “Pock-marked Joe” by the local peasants. Fearing more escapes, the exile was moved to Kureika, a desolate village in Turukhansk, north of the Arctic Circle where his fishing prowess convinced locals of magical powers and he took another mistress. Stalin wrote pitiful letters to Sergei and Olga Alliluyev: “Nature in this cursed region is shamefully poor” and he begged them to send him a postcard: “I’m crazy with longing for nature scenes if only on paper.” Yet it was also, strangely, a happy time, perhaps the happiest of his life for he reminisced about his exploits there until his death, particularly about the shooting expedition when he skied into the taiga, bagged many partridges and then almost froze to death on the way back.[10]

The military blunders and food shortages of the Great War inexorably destroyed the monarchy which, to the surprise of the Bolsheviks, collapsed suddenly in February 1917, replaced by a Provisional Government. On 12 March, Stalin reached the capital and visited the Alliluyevs: once again, Nadya, a striking brunette, sixteen, her sister Anna and brother Fyodor, questioned this returning hero about his adventures. When they accompanied him by tram towards the offices of the newspaper Pravda, he called out, “Be sure to set aside a room in the new apartment for me. Don’t forget.” He found Molotov editing Pravda, a job he immediately commandeered for himself. While Molotov had taken a radical anti-government line, Stalin and Lev Kamenev, né Rosenfeld, one of Lenin’s closest comrades, were more conciliatory. Lenin, who arrived on 4 April, overruled Stalin’s vacillations.

In a rare apology to Molotov, Stalin conceded, “You were closer to Lenin . . .” When Lenin needed to escape to Finland to avoid arrest, Stalin hid him chez Alliluyev, shaved off his beard and escorted him to safety. The sisters, Anna, who worked at Bolshevik headquarters, and Nadya, waited up at night. The Georgian entertained them, mimicking politicians and reading aloud Chekhov, Pushkin or Gorky, as he would later read to his sons.[11] On 25 October 1917, Lenin launched the Bolshevik Revolution.

Stalin may have been a “grey blur” in those days, but he was Lenin’s own blur. Trotsky admitted that contact with Lenin was mainly through Stalin because he was of less interest to the police. When Lenin formed the new government, Stalin founded his Commissariat of Nationalities with one secretary, young Fyodor Alliluyev, and one typist—Nadya.[12]

In 1918, the Bolsheviks struggled for survival. Faced with a galloping German advance, Lenin and Trotsky were forced to make the pragmatic Brest-Litovsk agreement, ceding much of Ukraine and the Baltics to the Kaiser. After Germany’s collapse, British, French and Japanese troops intervened while White armies converged on the tottering regime, which moved its capital to Moscow to make it less vulnerable. Lenin’s beleaguered empire soon shrunk to the size of medieval Muscovy. In August, Lenin was wounded in an assassination attempt, avenged by the Bolsheviks with a wave of Terror. In September, the recuperating Lenin declared Russia “a military camp.” His most ruthless troubleshooters were Trotsky, the War Commissar, creating and directing the Red Army from his armoured train, and Stalin, the only two leaders allowed access without appointment to Lenin’s study. When Lenin formed an executive decision-making organ with just five members called the Political Bureau—or Politburo—both were members. The bespectacled Jewish intellectual was the hero of the Revolution, second only to Lenin himself, while Stalin seemed a rough provincial. But Trotsky’s patronising grandeur offended the plain-spoken “old illegals” of the regions who were more impressed with Stalin’s hard-nosed practicality. Stalin identified Trotsky as the main obstacle to his rise.

The city of Tsaritsyn played a decisive role in Stalin’s career—and his marriage. In 1918, the key strategic city on the Lower Volga, the gateway to the grain (and oil) of the North Caucasus and the southerly key to Moscow, looked as if it was likely to fall to the Whites. Lenin despatched Stalin to Tsaritsyn as Director-General of Food Supplies in south Russia. But the latter soon managed to get his status raised to Commissar with sweeping military powers.

In an armoured train, with 400 Red Guards, Fyodor Alliluyev and his teenage typist Nadya, Stalin steamed into Tsaritsyn on 6 April to find the city beset with ineptitude and betrayal. Stalin showed he meant business by shooting any suspected counter-revolutionaries: “a ruthless purge of the rear,” wrote Voroshilov, “administered by an iron hand.”

Lenin ordered him to be ever more “merciless” and “ruthless.” Stalin replied: “Be assured our hand will not tremble.” It was here that Stalin grasped the convenience of death as the simplest and most effective political tool but he was hardly alone in this: during the Civil War, the Bolsheviks, clad in leather boots, coats and holsters, embraced a cult of the glamour of violence, a macho brutality that Stalin made his own. It was here too that Stalin met and befriended Voroshilov and Budyonny, both at that dinner on 8 November 1932, who formed the nucleus of his military and political support. When the military situation deteriorated in July, Stalin effectively took control of the army: “I must have military powers.” This was the sort of leadership the Revolution required to survive but it was a challenge to Trotsky who had created his Red Army with the help of so-called “military experts,” ex-Tsarist officers. Stalin distrusted these useful renegades and shot them whenever possible.

He resided in the plush lounge carriage that had once belonged to a Gypsy torch singer who decorated it in light blue silk. Here Nadya and Stalin probably became lovers. She was seventeen, he was thirty-nine. It must have been a thrilling, terrifying adventure for a schoolgirl. When they arrived, Stalin used the train as his headquarters: it was from here that he ordered the constant shootings by the Cheka. This was a time when women accompanied their husbands to war: Nadya was not alone. Voroshilov and Budyonny’s wives were in Tsaritsyn too.

Stalin and these swashbucklers formed a “military opposition” against Trotsky whom he revealingly called an “operetta commander, a chatterbox, ha-ha-ha!” When he arrested a group of Trotsky’s “specialists” and imprisoned them on a barge on the Volga, Trotsky angrily objected. The barge sank with all aboard. “Death solves all problems,” Stalin is meant to have said. “No man, no problem.” It was the Bolshevik way.[13]

Lenin recalled Stalin. It did not matter that he had probably made things worse, wasted the expertise of Tsarist officers and backed a crew of sabre-waving daredevils. Stalin had been ruthless—the merciless application of pressure was what Lenin wanted. But the “Oddball” kinto had glimpsed the glory of the Generalissimo. More than that, the enmity with Trotsky and the alliance with the “Tsaritsyn Group” of cavalrymen were seminal: perhaps he admired Voroshilov and Budyonny’s macho devil-may-care courage, a quality he lacked. His loathing for Trotsky became one of the moving passions of his life. He married Nadya on his return, moving into a modest Kremlin flat (shared with the whole Alliluyev family) and, later, a fine dacha named Zubalovo.[14]

In May 1920, Stalin was appointed Political Commissar to the South-Western Front after the Poles had captured Kiev. The Politburo ordered the conquest of Poland to spread the Revolution westwards. The commander of the Western Front pushing on Warsaw was a brilliant young man named Mikhail Tukhachevsky. When Stalin was ordered to transfer his cavalry to Tukhachevsky, he refused until it was already too late. The vendettas reverberating from this fiasco ended in slaughter seventeen years later.[15]

In 1921, Nadya showed her Bolshevik austerity by walking to hospital, where she gave birth to a son, Vasily, followed five years later by a daughter, Svetlana. Nadya meanwhile worked as a typist in Lenin’s office where she was to prove very useful in the coming intrigues.

The “vanguard” of Bolsheviks, many young and now blooded by the brutality of that struggle, found themselves a tiny, isolated and embattled minority nervously ruling a vast ruined Empire, itself besieged by a hostile world. Contemptuous of the workers and peasants, Lenin was nonetheless surprised to discover that neither of these classes supported them. Lenin thus proposed a single organ to rule and oversee the creation of socialism: the Party. It was this embarrassing gap between reality and aspiration that made the Party’s quasi-religious fidelity to ideological purity so important, its military discipline so obligatory.

In this peculiar dilemma, they improvised a peculiar system and sought solace in a uniquely peculiar view of the world. The Party’s sovereign organ was the Central Committee (CC), the top seventy or so officials, who were elected annually by Party Congresses which, later, were held ever less frequently. The CC elected the small Politburo, a super–War Cabinet that decided policy, and a Secretariat of about three Secretaries to run the Party. They directed the conventional government of a radically centralized, vertical one-Party State: Mikhail Kalinin, born in 1875, the only real peasant in the leadership, known as the “All-Union peasant elder,” became Head of State in 1919.[16] Lenin ran the country as Premier, the Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars, a cabinet of ministers which executed the Politburo’s orders. There was a sort of democracy within the Politburo but after the desperate crises of the Civil War, Lenin banned factions. The Party frantically recruited millions of new members but were they trustworthy? Gradually, an authoritarian bureaucratic dictatorship took the place of the honest debates of earlier days but in 1921, Lenin, that superlative improviser, restored a degree of capitalism, a compromise called the New Economic Policy (NEP), to save the regime.

In 1922, Lenin and Kamenev engineered the appointment of Stalin as General Secretary—or Gensec—of the CC to run the Party. Stalin’s Secretariat was the engine room of the new state, giving him extensive powers: he demonstrated these in the “Georgian Affair” when he and Sergo annexed Georgia, which had seceded from the Empire, and then imposed their will on the independent-minded Georgian Party. Lenin was disgusted but his stroke in December 1922 prevented him moving against Stalin. The Politburo, taking control of the health of the Party’s greatest asset, banned him from working more than ten minutes a day. When Lenin tried to do more, Stalin insulted Lenin’s wife Krupskaya, a tantrum that could have ended his career.[17]

Lenin alone could see that Stalin was emerging as his most likely successor so he secretly dictated a damning Testament demanding his dismissal. Lenin was felled by a fatal stroke on 21 January 1924. Against the wishes of Lenin and his family, Stalin orchestrated the effective deification of the leader and his embalming like an Orthodox saint in a Mausoleum on Red Square. Stalin commandeered the sacred orthodoxy of his late hero to build up his own power.

An outsider in 1924 would have expected Trotsky to succeed Lenin, but in the Bolshevik oligarchy, this glittery fame counted against the insouciant War Commissar. The hatred between Stalin and Trotsky was not only based on personality and style but also on policy. Stalin had already used the massive patronage of the Secretariat to promote his allies, Molotov, Voroshilov and Sergo; he also supplied an encouraging and realistic alternative to Trotsky’s insistence on European revolution: “Socialism in One Country.” The other members of the Politburo, led by Grigory Zinoviev, and Kamenev, Lenin’s closest associates, were also terrified of Trotsky, who had united all against himself. So when Lenin’s Testament was unveiled in 1924, Kamenev proposed to let Stalin remain as Secretary, little realizing that there would be no other real opportunity to remove him for thirty years. Trotsky, the Revolution’s preening panjandrum, was defeated with surprising ease and speed. Having dismissed Trotsky from his power base as War Commissar, Zinoviev and Kamenev discovered too late that their co-triumvir Stalin was the real threat.

By 1926, Stalin had defeated them too, helped by his Rightist allies, Nikolai Bukharin and Alexei Rykov, who had succeeded Lenin as Premier. Stalin and Bukharin supported the NEP. But many of the regional hard-liners feared that compromise undermined Bolshevism itself, putting off the reckoning day with the hostile peasantry. In 1927, a grain crisis brought this to a head, unleashed the Bolshevik taste for extreme solutions to their problems, and set the country on a repressive martial footing that would last until Stalin’s death.

In January 1928, Stalin himself travelled to Siberia to investigate the drop in grain deliveries. Replaying his glorious role as Civil War commissar, Stalin ordered the forcible gathering of grain and blamed the shortage on the so-called kulaks, who were hoarding their harvest in the hope of higher prices. “Kulak” usually meant a peasant who employed a couple of labourers or owned a pair of cows. “I gave a good shaking to the Party Organs,” Stalin said later but he soon discovered that “the Rightists didn’t like harsh measures . . . they thought it the beginning of civil war in the villages.”

On his return, Premier Rykov threatened Stalin: “Criminal charges should be filed against you!” However, the rough young commissars, the “committee men” at the heart of the Party, supported Stalin’s violent requisitioning of grain. Every winter, they headed into the hinterlands to squeeze the grain out of the kulaks who were identified as the main enemies of the Revolution. However, they realized the NEP had failed. They had to find a radical, military solution to the food crisis.

Stalin was a natural radical and now he shamelessly stole the clothes of the Leftists he had just defeated. He and his allies were already talking of a final new Revolution, the “Great Turn” leftwards to solve the problem of the peasantry and economic backwardness. These Bolsheviks hated the obstinate old world of the peasants: they had to be herded into collective farms, their grain forcibly collected and sold abroad to fund a manic gallop to create an instant industrial powerhouse that could produce tanks and planes. Private trade of food was stopped. Kulaks were ordered to deliver their grain and prosecuted as speculators if they did not. Gradually, the villagers themselves were forced into collectives. Anyone who resisted was a “kulak enemy.”

Similarly, in industry, the Bolsheviks unleashed their hatred of technical experts, or “bourgeois specialists”—actually just middle-class engineers. While they trained their own new Red élite, they intimidated those who said Stalin’s industrial plans were impossible with a series of faked trials that started at the Shakhty coal mine. Nothing was impossible. The resulting rural nightmare was like a war without battles but with death on a monumental scale.[18] Yet the warlords of this struggle, Stalin’s magnates and their wives, still lived in the Kremlin like a surprisingly cosy family.

 

2.   The Kremlin Family

Oh what a wonderful time it was,” wrote Voroshilov’s wife in her diary. “What simple, nice, friendly relationships.”[19] The intimate collegiate life of the leaders up until the mid-thirties could not have been further from the cliché of Stalin’s dreary, terrifying world. In the Kremlin, they were always in and out of each other’s houses. Parents and children saw each other constantly. The Kremlin was a village of unparalleled intimacy. Bred by decades of fondness (and of course resentments), friendships deepened or frayed, enmities seethed. Stalin often dropped in on his neighbours the Kaganoviches for a chess game. Natasha Andreyeva remembers Stalin frequently putting his head round their door looking for her parents: “Is Andrei here or Dora Moisevna?” Sometimes he wanted to go to the cinema but her parents were late, so she went with Stalin herself. When Mikoyan needed something, he would simply cross the courtyard and knock on Stalin’s door, where he would be invited in for dinner. If he was not at home, they pushed a note under the door. “Your leaving’s most unfortunate,” wrote Voroshilov. “I called on your apartment and no one answered.” [20]

When Stalin was on holiday, this merry band continually dropped in on Nadya to send her husband messages and catch up on the latest political gossip: “Yesterday Mikoyan called in and asked after your health and said he’ll visit you in Sochi,” Nadya wrote to Stalin in September 1929. “Today Voroshilov is back from Nalchik and he called me . . .” Voroshilov in turn gave her news of Sergo. A few days later, Sergo visited her with Voroshilov. Next she talked to Kaganovich who sent his regards to Stalin. Some families were more private than others: while the Mikoyans were highly sociable, the Molotovs, on the same floor as them, were more reserved and blocked up the door between their apartments.[21] If Stalin was the undoubted headmaster of this chatty, bickering school, then Molotov was its prissy prefect.

The only man to shake hands with Lenin, Hitler, Himmler, Göring, Roosevelt and Churchill, Molotov was Stalin’s closest ally. Nicknamed “Stone-Arse” for his indefatigable work rate, Molotov liked to correct people ponderously and tell them that Lenin himself had actually given him the soubriquet “Iron-Arse.” Small, stocky with a bulging forehead, chilling hazel eyes blinking behind round spectacles, and a stammer when angry (or talking to Stalin), Molotov, thirty-nine, looked like a bourgeois student, which he had indeed been. Even among a Politburo of believers, he was a stickler for Bolshevik theory and severity: the Robespierre of Stalin’s court. Yet he also possessed an instinct for the possible in power politics: “I am a man of the Nineteenth Century,” said Molotov.

Born in Kukarla, a provincial backwater near Perm (soon renamed Molotov), Vyacheslav Scriabin was the son of a boozy salesman, a poor nobleman but no relation to the composer. He had played the violin for merchants in his home town and, unusually for Stalin’s men, had a glancing secondary education though he became a revolutionary at sixteen. Molotov regarded himself as a journalist—he first met Stalin when they both worked on Pravda. He was cruel and vengeful, actually recommending death for those, even women, who crossed him. Harsh to his subordinates, with whom he constantly lost his temper, he was so disciplined that he would declare to his office that he would take “a thirteen-minute nap,” then wake up on the thirteenth minute. Unlike many of the Politburo’s energetic showmen, Molotov was an uninspired “plodder.”

A candidate Politburo member since 1921, “our Vecha” had been Party Secretary before Stalin but Lenin denounced Molotov for the “most shameful bureaucratism, and the most stupid.” When Trotsky attacked him, he revealed the intellectual inferiority complex he shared with Stalin and Voroshilov: “We can’t all be geniuses, Comrade Trotsky,” he replied. The chips on the shoulders of these home-grown Bolsheviks were mountainous.

Now Second Secretary after Stalin himself, Molotov admired Koba but did not worship him. He often disagreed with, and criticized, Stalin right up until the end. He could outdrink anyone in the leadership— no mean feat among so many alcoholics. He seemed to enjoy Stalin’s teasing, even when he called him the Jewish “Molotstein.”

His saving grace was his devotion to Polina Karpovskaya, his Jewish wife, known by her nom de guerre Zhemchuzhina, “the Pearl.” Never beautiful but bold and intelligent, Polina dominated Molotov, worshipped Stalin and became a leader in her own right. Both devoted Bolsheviks, they had fallen in love at a women’s conference in 1921. Molotov thought her “clever, beautiful and above all a great Bolshevik.”

She was the consolation for the discipline, stress and severity of his crusade, yet Molotov was no automaton. His love letters show how he idolized her like a schoolboy in love. “Polinka, darling, my love! I shan’t hide that sometimes I’m overcome with impatience and desire for your closeness and caresses. I kiss you, my beloved, desired . . . Your loving Vecha. I’m tied to you body and soul . . .” Sometimes the letters were wildly passionate: “I wait to kiss you impatiently and kiss you everywhere, adored, sweetie, my love.” She was his “bright love, my heart and happiness, my pleasure honey, Polinka.”[22]

Molotov’s spoiled daughter, Svetlana, and the other Politburo children played in the courtyard but “we didn’t want to live in the Kremlin. We were constantly told by our parents not to be noisy. ‘You’re not in the street now,’ they’d say. ‘You’re in the Kremlin.’ It was like a jail and we had to show passes and get passes for our friends to visit us,” remembers Natasha, the daughter of Andreyev and Dora Khazan. The children constantly bumped into Stalin: “When I was ten with long plaits playing hop, skip and jump with Rudolf Menzhinsky [son of the OGPU chief ], I was suddenly lifted up by strong hands and I wriggled round and saw Stalin’s face with its brown eyes and very intense, strict expression. ‘So who are you?’ he asked. I said ‘Andreyeva.’ ‘Well, go on jumping then!’ Afterwards, Stalin frequently chatted to her, particularly since the Kremlin’s earliest cinema was reached by a staircase near their front door.

Often Stalin’s dinner was simply a continuation of his meetings with workaholic comrades: soup was placed on the sideboard, guests could help themselves and they frequently worked until 3 a.m., recalls Stalin’s adopted son Artyom. “I saw Molotov, Mikoyan and Kaganovich all the time.” Stalin and Nadya often dined with the other Kremlin couples. “Dinners were simple,” wrote Mikoyan in his memoirs. “Two courses, a few starters, sometimes some herring . . . Soup for first course then meat or fish and fruit for dessert—it was like anywhere else then.” There was a bottle of white wine and little drinking. No one sat at table for more than half an hour. One evening, Stalin who took a serious interest in political image, emulated Peter the Great’s barbering exploits: “Get rid of that beard!” he ordered Kaganovich, asking Nadya, “Can I have some scissors? I’ll do it myself.”[23] Kaganovich did it there and then. Such was the entertainment at Stalin and Nadya’s for dinner.

The wives were influential. Stalin listened to Nadya: she had met a big-eared rotund young hobbledehoy, a fitter on the mines of the Donets, Khrushchev, at the Academy where he was energetically crushing the opposition. She recommended him to Stalin who launched his career. Stalin regularly had the young official to dinner with Nadya. Stalin always liked Khrushchev, partly because of Nadya’s recommendation. This was, remembered Khrushchev, “how I survived . . . my lottery ticket.” He simply could not believe that here was Stalin, the demigod he worshipped, “laughing and joking” with him so modestly.

Nadya fearlessly approached Stalin about injustices: when an official, probably a Rightist, was sacked from his job, she pleaded for his career and told Stalin that “these methods should not be used with such workers . . . it’s so sad . . . He looked as if he’d been killed. I know you really hate me interfering but I think you should interfere in this case which everyone knows is unfair.” Stalin unexpectedly agreed to help and she was thrilled: “I’m so glad you trust me . . . it’s a shame not to correct a mistake.” Stalin did not take such interference kindly from anyone else but he seemed to be able to take it from his young wife.

Polina Molotova was so ambitious that when she decided her boss as Commissar for Light Industry was not up to the job, she asked Stalin during dinner if she could create a Soviet perfume industry. Stalin called in Mikoyan and placed her TeZhe perfume trust under him. She became the Tsarina of Soviet fragrance. Mikoyan admired her as “capable, clever, and vigorous” but “haughty.”[24]

Except for the snobbish Molotovs, these potentates still lived simply in the palaces of the Kremlin, inspired by their devout revolutionary mission with its obligatory “Bolshevik modesty.” Corruption and extravagance were not yet widespread: indeed, the Politburo wives could barely afford to dress their children and the new archives show that Stalin himself sometimes ran out of money.

Nadya Stalin and Dora Khazan, the ascendant Andreyev’s wife, daily caught the tram to the Academy. Nadya is always held up as a paragon of modesty for using her maiden name but Dora did the same: it was the style of the times. Sergo banned his daughter taking his limousine to school: “too bourgeois!” The Molotovs on the other hand were already notoriously unproletarian: Natalya Rykova heard her father complain that the Molotovs never invited their bodyguards to eat at table with them.

At Stalin’s, Nadya was in charge: Svetlana says that her mother managed the household on “a modest budget.” They prided themselves on their Bolshevik austerity. Nadya regularly exhausted her housekeeping money: “Please send me 50 roubles because I only get my money on 15 October and I’ve got none.”

“Tatka, I forgot to send the money,” replied Stalin. “But I’ve now sent it (120 roubles) with colleagues leaving today . . . Kiss you, Joseph.” Then he checked she had received it. She replied: “I got the letter with the money. Thanks! Glad you’re coming back! Write when you’re arriving so I can meet you!”[25]

On 3 January 1928, Stalin wrote to Khalatov, the chief of GIZ (the State Publishing House): “I’m in great need of money. Would you send me 200 roubles!” Stalin cultivated his puritanism out of both conviction and taste: when he found new furniture in his apartment, he reacted viciously: “It seems someone from housekeeping or the GPU bought some furniture . . . contrary to my order that old furniture is fine,” he wrote. “Discover and punish the guilty! I ask you to remove the furniture and put it in storage!”[26]

The Mikoyans had so many children—five boys plus some adopted children and, in the summer, the extended Armenian family arrived for three months—that they were short of money even though Mikoyan himself was one of the top half-dozen men in Russia. So Ashken Mikoyan secretly borrowed money from the other Politburo wives who had fewer children. Mikoyan would have been furious if he had known about it, according to his sons. When Polina Molotova saw the shabby Mikoyan children, she reprimanded their mother, who retorted: “I have five boys and I haven’t got the money.”

“But,” snapped Polina, “you’re the wife of a Politburo member!”[27]

 

3.   The Charmer

This small group of idealistic, ruthless magnates, mainly in their thirties, was the engine of a vast and awesome Revolution: they would build socialism immediately and abolish capitalism. Their industrial programme, the Five-Year Plan, would make Russia a great power never again to be humiliated by the West. Their war on the countryside would forever exterminate the internal enemy, the kulaks, and return the Party to the values of 1917. It was Lenin who said, “Merciless mass terror against the kulaks . . . Death to them!” Thousands of young people shared their idealism. The Plan demanded a 110 percent rise in productivity which Stalin, Kuibyshev and Sergo insisted was possible because everything was possible. “To lower the tempo means to lag behind,” explained Stalin in 1931. “And laggards are beaten! But we don’t want to be beaten . . . The history of old Russia consisted . . . in her being beaten . . . for her backwardness.”

The Bolsheviks could “storm any fortress.” Any doubt was treason. Death was the price of progress. Surrounded by enemies, as they had been in the Civil War, they felt they were only just managing to keep control over the country. Hence they cultivatedtverdost, hardness, the Bolshevik virtue.[28] Stalin was praised for it: “Yes he vigorously chops off what is rotten . . . If he didn’t, he wouldn’t be . . . a Communist fighter.” Stalin wrote to Molotov about “inspecting and checking by punching people in the face” and openly told officials he would “smash their bones.”

Bukharin resisted “Stalin’s Revolution” but he and Rykov were no match for either Stalin’s patronage and charm or the Bolshevik taste for recklessly violent solutions. In 1929, Trotsky travelled into exile, with a look of stunned hauteur on his face, to become Stalin’s mocking critic abroad, and his ultimate symbol of treason and heresy at home. Bukharin was voted off the Politburo. Now Stalin was the leader of the oligarchs but he was far from a dictator.

In November 1929, while Nadya studied for her exams at the Industrial Academy, Stalin returned refreshed from his holidays and immediately intensified the war on the peasantry, demanding “an offensive against the kulaks . . . to get ready for action and to deal the kulak class such a blow that it will no longer rise to its feet.” But the peasants refused to sow their crops, declaring war on the regime.

On 21 December 1929, at the exhilarating height of this colossal and terrible enterprise, the young magnates and their wives, weary but febrile from their remarkable achievements in building new cities and factories, blooded by the excitement of brutal expeditions against the obstinate peasants, arrived at Stalin’s Zubalovo dacha to celebrate his official fiftieth birthday, the night our story really begins. That day, the magnates each wrote an article in Pravda hailing him as the Vozhd, the leader, Lenin’s rightful heir.

Days after the birthday party, the magnates realised they had to escalate their war on the countryside and literally “liquidate the kulaks as a class.” They unleashed a secret police war in which organized brutality, vicious pillage and fanatical ideology vied with one another to destroy the lives of millions. Stalin’s circle was to be fatally tested by the rigours of collectivization because they were judged by their performance in this ultimate crisis. The poison of these months tainted Stalin’s friendships, even his marriage, beginning the process that would culminate in the torture chambers of 1937.

Stalin spent half his letters to his men losing his temper and the other half apologizing for it. He treated everything personally: when Molotov had returned from a grain expedition to the Ukraine, Stalin told him, “I could cover you with kisses in gratitude for your action down there”— hardly the dour Stalin of legend.

In January 1930, Molotov planned the destruction of the kulaks, who were divided into three categories: “First category: . . . to be immediately eliminated”; the second, to be imprisoned in camps; the third, 150,000 households, to be deported. Molotov oversaw the death squads, the railway carriages, the concentration camps like a military commander. Between five and seven million people ultimately fitted into the three categories. There was no way to select a kulak: Stalin himself agonized,[29] scribbling in his notes: “What does kulak mean?”

During 1930–31, about 1.68 million people were deported to the east and north. Within months, Stalin and Molotov’s plan had led to 2,200 rebellions involving more than 800,000 people. Kaganovich and Mikoyan led expeditions into the countryside with brigades of OGPU troopers and armoured trains like warlords. The magnates’ handwritten letters to Stalin ring with the fraternal thrill of their war for human betterment against unarmed peasants: “Taking all measures about food and grain,” Mikoyan reported to Stalin, citing the need to dismiss “wreckers”: “We face big resistance . . . We need to destroy the resistance.” In Kaganovich’s photograph album, we find him heading out into Siberia with his armed posse of leather-jacketed ruffians, interrogating peasants, poking around in their haystacks, finding the grain, deporting the culprits and moving on again, exhausted, falling asleep between stops. “Molotov works really hard and is very tired,” Mikoyan told Stalin. “The mass of work is so vast it needs horsepower . . .”

Sergo and Kaganovich possessed the necessary “horsepower”: when the leaders decided on something, it could be done instantly, on a massive scale and regardless of waste in terms of human lives and resources. “When we Bolsheviks want to get something done,” Beria, a rising Georgian secret policeman, said later, “we close our eyes to everything else.” This pitiless fraternity lived in a sleepless frenzy of excitement and activity, driven by adrenalin and conviction. Regarding themselves like God on the first day, they were creating a new world in a red-hot frenzy: the big beasts of the Politburo personified the qualities of the Stalinist Commissar, “Party-mindedness, morality, exactingness, attentiveness, good health, knowing their business well” but above all, as Stalin put it, they required “bull nerves.”

“I took part in this myself,” wrote a young activist, Lev Kopelev, “scouring the countryside, searching for hidden grain . . . I emptied out the old folks’ storage chests, stopping my ears to the children’s crying and the women’s wails . . . I was convinced I was accomplishing the great and necessary transformation of the countryside.”

The peasants believed they could force the government to stop by destroying their own livestock: the despair that could lead a peasant to kill his own animals, the equivalent in our world of burning down our own house, gives a hint of the scale of desperation: 26.6 million head of cattle were slaughtered, 15.3 million horses. On 16 January 1930, the government decreed that kulak property could be confiscated if they destroyed livestock. If the peasants thought the Bolsheviks would be obliged to feed them, they were mistaken.[30] As the crisis worsened, even Stalin’s staunchest lieutenants struggled to squeeze the grain out of the peasantry, especially in the Ukraine and North Caucasus. Stalin berated them but even though they were often twenty years younger, they replied with tantrums and threats of resignation. Stalin was constantly pouring unction on troubled waters. Andrei Andreyev, thirty-five, the boss of the North Caucasus, was close to Stalin (his wife Dora was Nadya’s best friend). Nonetheless, he said Stalin’s demands were impossible: he needed at least five years.

First Molotov tried to encourage him: “Dear Andreievich, I got your letter on grain supplies, I see it’s very hard for you. I see also that the kulaks are using new methods of struggle against us. But I hope we’ll break their backs . . . I send you greetings and best wishes . . . PS: Hurrying off to Crimea for the holidays.”[31]

Then Stalin, overwrought, lost his temper with Andreyev who sulked until Stalin apologized: “Comrade Andreyev, I don’t think you do nothing in the field of grain supply. But the grain supplies from the North Caucasus are cutting us like a knife and we need measures to strengthen the process. Please remember, every new million poods is very valuable for us. Please remember, we have very little time. So to work? With Communist greetings, Stalin.”

But Andreyev was still upset so Stalin scribbled him another letter, this time calling him by a pet name and appealing to his Bolshevik honour: “Hello Andryusha, I’m late. Don’t be angry. About strategy . . . I take my words back. I’d like to stress again that close people must be trusted and honourable until the end. I speak about our top people. Without this our Party will utterly fail. I shake your hand, J. Stalin.” He often had to take back his own words.[32]

The foundation of Stalin’s power in the Party was not fear: it was charm. Stalin possessed the dominant will among his magnates, but they also found his policies generally congenial. He was older than them all except President Kalinin, but the magnates used the informal “you” with him. Voroshilov, Molotov and Sergo called him “Koba.” They were sometimes even cheeky: Mikoyan, who called him Soso, signed one letter: “If you’re not lazy, write to me!” In 1930, all these magnates, especially the charismatic and fiery Sergo Ordzhonikidze, were allies, not protégés, all capable of independent action. There were close friendships that presented potential alliances against Stalin: Sergo and Kaganovich, the two toughest bosses, were best friends. Voroshilov, Mikoyan and Molotov frequently disagreed with Stalin.[33]  His dilemma was that he was the leader of a Party with no Führerprinzip but the ruler of a country accustomed to Tsarist autocracy.

Stalin was not the dreary bureaucrat that Trotsky wanted him to be. It was certainly true that he was a gifted organizer. He “never improvised” but “took every decision, weighing it carefully.” He was capable of working extraordinarily long hours—sixteen a day. But the new archives confirm that his real genius was something different—and surprising: “he could charm people.” He was what is now known as a “people person.” While incapable of true empathy on the one hand, he was a master of friendships on the other. He constantly lost his temper, but when he set his mind to charming a man, he was irresistible.

Stalin’s face was “expressive and mobile,” his feline movements “supple and graceful”: he buzzed with sensitive energy. Everyone who saw him “was anxious to see him again” because “he created a sense that there was now a bond that linked them forever.” Artyom said he made “we children feel like adults and feel important.” Visitors were impressed with his quiet modesty, the puffing on the pipe, the calmness. When the future Marshal Zhukov first met him, he could not sleep afterwards: “The appearance of JV Stalin, his quiet voice, the concreteness and depth of his judgements, the attention with which he heard the report made a great impression on me.” Sudoplatov, a Chekist, thought “it was hard to imagine such a man could deceive you, his reactions were so natural, without the slightest sense of him posing” but he also noticed “a certain harshness . . . which he did not . . . conceal.”

In the eyes of these rough Bolsheviks from the regions, his flat quiet public speaking was an asset, a great improvement on Trotsky’s oratorical wizardry. Stalin’s lack of smoothness, his anti-oratory, inspired trust. His very faults, the chip on the shoulder, the brutality and fits of irrational temper, were the Party’s faults. “He was not trusted but he was the man the Party trusted,” admitted Bukharin. “He’s like the symbol of the Party, the lower strata trust him.”[34] But above all, reflected the future secret police chief, Beria, he was “supremely intelligent,” a political “genius.” However rude or charming he was, “he dominated his entourage with his intelligence.”

He did not just socialize with the magnates: he patronized junior officials too, constantly searching for tougher, more loyal, and more tireless lieutenants. He was always accessible: “I’m ready to help you and receive you,” he often replied to requests.[35] Officials got through directly to Stalin. Those lower down called him, behind his back, the Khozyain which is usually translated as “Boss,” but it means much more: the “Master.” Nicholas II had called himself “ Khozyain of the Russian lands.” When Stalin heard someone use the word, he was “noticeably irritated” by its feudal mystique: “That sounds like a rich landowner in Central Asia. Fool!”[36]

His magnates saw him as their patron but he saw himself as much more. “I know you’re diabolically busy,” Molotov wrote to him on his birthday. “But I shake your fifty-year-old hand . . . I must say in my personal work I’m obliged to you...”[37] They were all obliged to him. But Stalin saw his own role embroidered with both Arthurian chivalry and Christian sanctity: “You need have no doubt, comrades, I am prepared to devote to the cause of the working class . . . all my strength, all my ability, and if need be, all my blood, drop by drop,” he wrote to thank the Party for acclaiming him as the Leader. “Your congratulations, I place to the credit of the great Party . . . which bore me and reared me in its own image and likeness.” Here was how he saw himself.[38]

Nonetheless, this self-anointed Messianic hero worked hard to envelop his protégés in an irresistible embrace of folksy intimacy that convinced them there was no one he trusted more. Stalin was mercurial—far from a humourless drone: he was convivial and entertaining, if exhaustingly intense. “He was such fun,” says Artyom. According to the Yugoslav Communist Milovan Djilas, his “rough . . . self-assured humour” was “roguish” and “impish” but “not entirely without finesse and depth” though it was never far from the gallows. His dry wit was acute but hardly Wildean. Once when Kozlovsky, the court tenor, was performing at the Kremlin, the Politburo started demanding some particular song.

“Why put pressure on Comrade Kozlovsky?” intervened Stalin calmly. “Let him sing what he wants.” He paused. “And I think he wants to sing Lensky’s aria from Onegin.” Everyone laughed and Kozlovsky obediently sang the aria.[39]

When Stalin appointed Isakov Naval Commissar, the admiral replied that it was too arduous because he only had one leg. Since the Navy had been “commanded by people without heads, one leg’s no handicap,” quipped Stalin. He was particularly keen on mocking the pretensions of the ruling caste: when a list of tedious worthies recommended for medals landed on his desk, he wrote across it: “Shitters get the Order of Lenin!”

He enjoyed practical jokes. During the Italian invasion of Ethiopia, he ordered his bodyguards to get “Ras Kasa on the phone at once!” When a young guard returned “half-dead with worry” to explain that he could not get this Abyssinian mountain chieftain on the line, Stalin laughed: “And you’re in security!” He was capable of pungent repartee. Zinoviev accused him of ingratitude: “Gratitude’s a dog’s disease,” he snapped back.[40]

Stalin “knew everything about his closest comrades—EVERYTHING!” stresses the daughter of one of them, Natasha Andreyeva. He watched his protégés, educated them, brought them to Moscow and took immense trouble with them: he promoted Mikoyan, but told Bukharin and Molotov that he thought the Armenian “still a duckling in politics . . . If he grows up, he’ll improve.”[41] The Politburo was filled with fiery egomaniacs such as Sergo Ordzhonikidze: Stalin was adept at coaxing, charming, manipulating and bullying them into doing his bidding. When he summoned two of his ablest men, Sergo and Mikoyan, from the Caucasus, they argued with him and each other but his patience in soothing (and baiting) them was endless.[42]

Stalin personally oversaw their living arrangements. In 1913, when he stayed in Vienna with the Troyanovsky family, he gave the daughter of the house a bag of sweets every day. Then he asked the child’s mother: to whom would the child run if they both called? When they tried it, she ran to Stalin hoping for some more sweets. This idealistic cynic used the same incentives with the Politburo. When Sergo moved to Moscow, Stalin lent him his apartment. When Sergo loved the apartment, Stalin simply gave it to him. When young, provincial Beria visited Moscow for the Seventeenth Congress, Stalin himself put his ten-year-old son to bed at Zubalovo[43]. When he popped into the flats of the Politburo, Maya Kaganovich remembered him insisting they light their fire. “No detail was too small.”[44] Every gift suited the recipient: he gave his Cossack ally Budyonny swords with inscribed blades. He personally distributed the cars and latest gadgets.[45] There is a list in the archives in Stalin’s handwriting assigning each car to every leader: their wives and daughters wrote thank-you letters to him.

Then there was money: these magnates were often short of money because wages were paid on the basis of the “Party Maximum,” which meant that a “responsible worker” could not earn more than a highly paid worker. Even before Stalin abolished this in 1934, there were ways round it. Food hampers from the Kremlin canteen and special rations from the GORT (government) stores were delivered to each leader. But they also received pakets, secret gifts of money, like a banker’s bonus or cash in a brown envelope, and coupons for holidays. The sums were nominally decided by President Kalinin, and the Secretary of the Central Executive Committee, the majordomo of all the goodies, Yenukidze, but Stalin took great interest in these pakets. In the archives, Stalin underlined the amounts in a list headed “Money Gifts from Funds of Presidium for group of responsible workers and members of their families.” “Interesting numbers!” he wrote on it.15 When he noticed that his staff were short of money, he secretly intervened to help them, procuring publishing royalties for his chief secretary, Tovstukha. He wrote to the publishing chief that if Tovstukha denied he was skint, “he’s lying. He’s desperately short of money.” It used to be regarded as ironic to call the Soviet élite an “aristocracy” but they were much more like a feudal service nobility whose privileges were totally dependent on their loyalty.[46]

Just when these potentates needed to be harsher than ever, some were becoming soft and decadent, particularly those with access to the luxuries like Yenukidze and the secret policeman Yagoda. Furthermore, the regional bosses built up their own entourages and became so powerful that Stalin called them “Grand Dukes.” But there was no Party “prince” as beneficent as he himself, the patron of patrons.

The Party was not just a mass of self-promoting groups—it was almost a family business. Whole clans were members of the leadership: Kaganovich was the youngest of five brothers, three of whom were high Bolsheviks. Stalin’s in-laws from both marriages were all senior officials. Sergo’s brothers were both top Bolsheviks in the Caucasus where family units were the norm. A tangle of intermarriage[47]  complicated the power relationships and would have fatal results: when one leader fell, everyone linked to him also disappeared into the abyss like mountaineers tied together with one safety rope.[48]  (16)

The backs of the peasants, in Stalin and Molotov’s chilling phrase, were indeed being broken but the scale of the struggle shook even their most ruthless supporters. In mid-February 1930, Sergo and Kalinin travelled to inspect the countryside and returned to call a halt. Sergo, who as head of the Party Control Commission had orchestrated the campaign against the Rightists, now ordered the Ukraine to stop “socializing” livestock.

Stalin had lost control. The masterful tactician bowed before the magnates and agreed to retreat—with resentful prudence. On 2 March, he wrote his famous article “Dizzy with Success,” in which he claimed success and blamed local officials for his own mistakes, which relieved the pressure[49] in the villages.[50]

Stalin had regarded his allies as his “tightest circle” of “friends,” a brotherhood “formed historically in the struggle against . . . the opportunism” of Trotsky and Bukharin. But he now sensed the Politburo was riddled with doubt and disloyalty as the “Stalin Revolution” turned the countryside into a dystopian nightmare.[51] Even in stormy times, Politburo meetings, at midday on Thursday round the two parallel tables in the map-covered Sovnarkom Room in the Yellow Palace, could be surprisingly light-hearted.[52]  Stalin never chaired the Politburo, leaving that to the Premier, Rykov. He was careful never to speak first, according to Mikoyan, so that no one was tied by his opinion before they had stated their own.

There was much scribbling across the table at these meetings. Bukharin, before he lost his place, drew caricatures of all the leaders, often in ludicrous poses with rampant erections or in Tsarist uniforms. They were always teasing Voroshilov about his vanity and stupidity even though this hero of the Civil War was one of Stalin’s closest allies. “Hi friend!” Stalin addressed him fondly. “Pity you’re not in Moscow. When are you coming?” [53]

“Vain as a woman,” no one liked uniforms more than Voroshilov. This proletarian boulevardier who sported white flannels at his sumptuous dacha and full whites for tennis, was a jolly Epicurean, “amiable and fun-loving, fond of music, parties and literature,” enjoying the company of actors and writers. Stalin heard that he was wearing his wife’s scarf because of a midsummer cold: “Of course, he loves himself so much that he takes great care of himself. Ha! He even does exercises!” laughed Stalin. “Notoriously stupid,” Voroshilov rarely saw a stick without getting the wrong end of it.

A locksmith from Lugansk (renamed Voroshilov), he had, like many of Stalin’s leaders, barely completed two years at school. A Party member since 1903, Klim had shared a room with Stalin in Stockholm in 1906 but they had become friends at Tsaritsyn. Henceforth Stalin backed this “Commander-in-Chief from the lathe” all the way to become Defence Commissar in 1925. Out of his depth, Voroshilov loathed more sophisticated military minds with the inferiority complex that was one of the moving passions of Stalin’s circle. Ever since he had delivered mail on horseback to the miners of Lugansk, his mind was more at home with the equine than the mechanized.

Usually described as a snivelling coward before his master, he had flirted with the oppositions and was perfectly capable of losing his temper with Stalin whom he always treated like an old buddy. He was only slightly younger than Koba and continued to call a spade a spade even after the Terror. Fair-haired, pink-cheeked, warm eyes twinkling, he was sweet-natured: the courage of this beau sabreur was peerless. Yet beneath his cherubic affability, there was something mean about the lips that revealed a petulant temper, vindictive cruelty, and a taste for violent solutions.[54] Once convinced, he was “narrow-minded politically,” pursuing his orders with rigid obedience.

His cult was second only to Stalin’s: even in the West, the novelist Denis Wheatley published a panegyric entitled The Red Eagle—“the amazing story of the pitboy who beat professional soldiers of three nations and is now Warlord of Russia.”[55]

In one note passed round the table, Voroshilov wrote: “I cannot make the speech to the brake-makers because of my headache.”

“To let off Voroshilov, I propose Rudzutak,” replied Stalin, suggesting another Politburo member.

But Voroshilov was not escaping so easily: Rudzutak refused so Kalinin suggested letting him off, providing Voroshilov did the speech after all.

“Against!” voted Voroshilov, signing himself: “Voroshilov who has the headache and cannot speak!”[56]

If Stalin approved of a leader’s speech, he sent an enthusiastically scatological note: “A world leader, FUCK HIS MOTHER! I’ve read your report— you criticized everyone—fuck their mother!” he wrote approvingly to Voroshilov[57] who wanted more praise: “Tell me more clearly—did I fail 100% or only 75%?” Stalin retorted in his inimitable style: “it was a good . . . report. You smacked the arses of Hoover, Chamberlain and Bukharin. Stalin.”[58]

Serious questions were decided too: during a budget discussion, Stalin verbally nudged Voroshilov to stand up for his department: “They’re robbing you but you’re silent.” When his colleagues went back to discuss something Stalin thought had already been decided, they received this across the table: “What does this mean? Yesterday we agreed one thing about the speech but today another. Disorganization! Stalin.” Appointments were made in this way too. Their tone was often playful: Voroshilov wanted to inspect the army in Central Asia: “Koba, can I go . . . ? They say they’re forgotten.”

“England will whine that Voroshilov has come to attack India,” replied Stalin, who wanted to avoid all foreign entanglements while he industrialized Russia.

“I’ll be as quiet as a mouse,” Voroshilov persisted.

“That’s worse. They’ll find out and say Voroshilov came secretly with criminal intent,” scrawled Stalin. When it came to appointing Mikoyan to run Trade, Voroshilov asked, “Koba, should we give Fishing to Mikoyan? Would he do it?”[59] The members often bargained for appointments. Hence Voroshilov proposed to Kuibyshev, “I was first to propose the candidature of Pyatakov in conversation with Molotov and Kaganovich, and I’ll support you as your second...”[60]

The Politburo could sit for hours, exhausting even Stalin: “Listen,” he wrote to Voroshilov during one session, “let’s put it off until Wednesday evening. Today’s no good. Already it’s 4:30 and we’ve still got 3 big questions to get through . . . Stalin.” Sometimes Stalin wrote wearily: “Military matters are so serious they must be discussed seriously but my head’s not capable of serious work today.”[61]

However, Stalin realized that the Politburo could easily unite to dismiss him. Rykov, the Rightist Premier, did not believe in his plans, and now Kalinin too was wavering. Stalin knew he could be outvoted, even overthrown.[62][63] The new archives reveal how openly Kalinin argued with Stalin.

“You defend the kulaks?” scribbled Stalin. He pushed it across the table to Papa Kalinin, that mild-mannered former peasant with round spectacles, goatee beard and droopy moustache.

“Not the kulaks,” Kalinin wrote back, “but the trading peasant.”

“But did you forget about the poorest ones?” Stalin scrawled back. “Did you ignore the Russian peasantry?”

“The middling sort are very Russian but what about non-Russians? They’re the poorest,” argued Kalinin.

“Now you’re the Bashkir President not the Russian one!” Stalin chided him.

“That’s not an argument, that’s a curse!”[64] Stalin’s curse did descend on those who opposed him during this greatest crisis. He never forgot Kalinin’s betrayal. Every criticism was a battle for survival, a question of sin versus goodness, disease versus health, for this thin-skinned, neurotic egotist on his Messianic mission. During these months, he brooded on the disloyalty of those around him, for his family and his political allies were utterly interwoven. Stalin had every reason to feel paranoid. Indeed the Bolsheviks believed that paranoia, which they called “vigilance,” was an almost religious duty.[65] Later Stalin was to talk privately about the “holy fear” that kept even him on his toes.

His paranoia was part of a personal vicious circle that was to prove so deadly for many who knew him, yet it was understandable. His radical policies led to excessive repressions that led to the opposition he most feared. His unbalanced reactions produced a world in which he had reason to be fearful. In public he reacted to all this with a dry humour and modest tranquillity but one finds ample evidence of his hysterical reactions in private. “You cannot silence me or keep my opinion confined inside,” Stalin wrote to Voroshilov during the struggles with the Rightists, “yet you claim ‘I want to teach everyone.’ When will these attacks on me end? Stalin.”[66] It extended to the family. One of his letters to Nadya went missing. Stalin was obsessed with the secrecy of his letters and travel plans. He impulsively blamed his mother-in-law but Nadya defended her: “You unfairly accused Mama. It turns out the letter was never delivered to anyone . . . She’s in Tiflis.”[67]

Nadya laughed that the students at the Academy were divided into “Kulaks, middle-peasants and poor peasants,” but she was joking about the liquidation of over a million innocent women and children. There is evidence that Nadya happily informed Stalin about his enemies, yet that was changing. The rural struggle divided their friends: her adored Bukharin and Yenukidze confided their doubts to her. Her fellow students had “put me down as a Rightist,” she joked to Stalin, who would have been troubled that they were getting to his wife at a time when he was entering stormy waters indeed.[68]

On holiday in the south, Stalin learned that Riutin, an Old Bolshevik who had been in charge of Cinema, was trying to create an opposition to dismiss him. He reacted fast to Molotov on 13 September: “with regard to Riutin, it seems it’s impossible to limit ourselves to expelling him from the Party . . . he will have to be expelled somewhere as far as possible from Moscow. This counter-revolutionary scum[69] should be completely disarmed.”[70] Simultaneously, Stalin arranged a series of show trials and “conspiracies” by so-called “wreckers.” Stalin redoubled the push for collectivization and race to industrialize at red-hot speed. As the tension rose, he stoked the martial atmosphere, inventing new enemies to intimidate his real opponents in the Party and among the technical experts who said it could not be done.

Stalin frantically ordered Molotov to publish all the testimonies of the “wreckers” immediately and then “after a week, announce that all these scoundrels will be executed by firing squad. They should all be shot.”[71]

Then he turned to attacking the Rightists in the government. He ordered a campaign against currency speculation which he blamed on Rykov’s Finance Commissars, those “doubtful Communists” Pyatakov and Briukhanov. Stalin wanted blood and he ordered the cultivated OGPU boss, Menzhinsky, to arrest more wreckers. He told Molotov “to shoot two or three dozen saboteurs infiltrated into these offices.”[72]

Stalin made a joke of this at the Politburo. When the leaders criticized Briukhanov, Stalin scribbled to Valery Mezhlauk, reporting on behalf of Gosplan, the economic planning agency: “For all new, existing and future sins to be hung by the balls, and if the balls are strong and don’t break, to forgive him and think him correct but if they break, then to throw him into the river.” Mezhlauk was also an accomplished cartoonist and drew a picture of this particular torture, testicles and all.[73] Doubtless everyone laughed uproariously. But Briukhanov was sacked and later destroyed.

That summer of 1930, as the Sixteenth Congress crowned Stalin as leader, Nadya was suffering from a serious internal illness—so he sent her to Carlsbad for the best medical treatment and to Berlin to see her brother Pavel and his wife Zhenya. Her medical problems were complex, mysterious and probably psychosomatic. Nadya’s medical records, that Stalin preserved, reveal that at various times, she suffered “acute abdominal pains” probably caused by her earlier abortion. Then there were the headaches as fierce as migraines that may have been symptoms of synostosis, a disease in which the cranial bones merge together, or they may simply have been caused by the stress of the struggle within the USSR. Even though he was frantically busy arranging the Congress and fighting enemies in the villages and the Politburo, Stalin was never more tender.

 

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4.   Famine and the Country Set: Stalin at the Weekend

Tatka! What was the journey like, what did you see, have you been to the doctors, what do they say about your health? Write and tell me,” he wrote on 21 June. “We start the Congress on the 26th... Things aren’t going too badly. I miss you... come home soon. I kiss you.” As soon as the Congress was over, he wrote: “Tatka! I got all three letters. I couldn’t reply, I was too busy. Now at last I’m free . . . Don’t be too long coming home. But stay longer if your health makes it necessary... I kiss you.”[74]

In the summer, Stalin, backed by the formidable Sergo, guided one of his faked conspiracies, the so-called “Industrial Party,” to implicate President Kalinin, and seems to have used evidence that “Papa,” a ladies’ man, was wasting State funds on a ballerina. The President begged for forgiveness.[75]

Stalin and Menzhinsky were in constant communication about other conspiracies too. Stalin worried about the loyalty of the Red Army. The OGPU forced two officers to testify against the Chief of Staff, Tukhachevsky, that gifted, dashing commander who had been Stalin’s bitter enemy since the Polish War of 1920. Tukhachevsky was hated by the less sophisticated officers who complained to Voroshilov that the arrogant commander “makes fun of us” with his “grandiose plans.” Stalin agreed they were “fantastical,” and so over-ambitious as to be almost counter-revolutionary.[76]

The OGPU interrogations accused Tukhachevsky of planning a coup against the Politburo. In 1930, this was perhaps too outrageous even for the Bolsheviks. Stalin, not yet dictator, probed his powerful ally, Sergo: “Only Molotov, myself and now you are in the know . . . Is it possible? What a business! Discuss it with Molotov . . .” However, Sergo would not go that far. There would be no arrest and trial of Tukhachevsky in 1930: the commander “turns out to be 100% clean,” Stalin wrote disingenuously to Molotov in October. “That’s very good.”[77] It is interesting that seven years before the Great Terror, Stalin was testing the same accusations against the same victims—a dress rehearsal for 1937—but he could not get the support.[78]The archives reveal a fascinating sequel: once he understood the ambitious modernity of Tukhachevsky’s strategies, Stalin apologized to him: “Now the question has become clearer to me, I have to agree that my remark was too strong and my conclusions were not right at all.”[79]

Nadya returned from Carlsbad and joined Stalin on holiday. Brooding how to bring Rykov and Kalinin to heel, Stalin did not make Nadya feel welcome. “I did not feel you wanted me to prolong my stay, quite the contrary,” wrote Nadya. She left for Moscow where the Molotovs, ever the busybodies of the Kremlin, “scolded” her for “leaving you alone,” as she angrily reported to Stalin. Stalin was irritated by the Molotovs, and by Nadya’s feeling that she was unwelcome: “Tell Molotov, he’s wrong. To reproach you, making you worry about me, can only be done by someone who doesn’t know my business.”[80] Then she heard from her godfather that Stalin was delaying his return until October.

Stalin explained that he had lied to Yenukidze to confuse his enemies: “Tatka, I started that rumour . . . for reasons of secrecy. Only Tatka, Molotov and maybe Sergo know the date of my arrival.”[81]

Close to Molotov and Sergo, Stalin no longer trusted one of his closest friends who sympathized with the Rightists: Nadya’s godfather, “Uncle Abel” Yenukidze. Nicknamed “Tonton,” this veteran conspirator, at fiftythree, two years older than Stalin, had known Koba and the Alliluyevs since the turn of the century. Another ex–Tiflis Seminarist, he had, in 1904, created the secret Bolshevik printing press in Batumi. He was never ambitious and was said to have turned down promotion to the Politburo, but he was everyone’s friend, bearing no grudges against the defeated oppositions, always ready to help old pals. This easygoing Georgian sybarite was well-connected in the military, the Party, and the Caucasus, personifying the incestuous tangle of Bolshevism: he had had an affair with Ekaterina Voroshilova before her marriage. Yet Stalin still enjoyed Yenukidze’s companionship: “Hello Abel! What the devil keeps you in Moscow? Come to Sochi...”[82]

Meanwhile, Stalin turned on Premier Rykov, whose drinking was so heavy that in Kremlin circles, vodka was called “Rykovka.”

“What to do about Rykov (who uncontestably helped them) and Kalinin . . .?” he wrote to Molotov on 2 September. “No doubt Kalinin has sinned . . . The CC must be informed to teach Kalinin never to get mixed up with such rascals again.”[83]

Kalinin was forgiven—but the warning was clear: he never crossed Stalin again, a political husk, a craven rubber stamp for all Stalin’s outrages. Yet Stalin liked Papa Kalinin and enjoyed the pretty girls at his parties in Sochi. The success of his “handsome” charms soon reached the half-indulgent, half-jealous Nadya in Moscow.

“I heard from a young and pretty woman,” she wrote, “that you looked handsome at Kalinin’s dinner, you were remarkably jolly, made them all laugh, though they were shy in your august presence.”

On 13 September, Stalin mused to Molotov that “our summit of state is afflicted with a terrible sickness . . . It is necessary to take measures. But what? I’ll talk to you when I return to Moscow . . .” He posed much the same thought to other members of the Politburo. They suggested Stalin for Rykov’s job: “Dear Koba,” wrote Voroshilov, “Mikoyan, Kaganovich, Kuibyshev and I think the best result would be the unification of the leadership of Sovnarkom and to appoint you to it as you want to take the leadership with all strength. This isn’t like 1918–21 but Lenin did lead the Sovnarkom.” Kaganovich insisted it had to be Stalin. Sergo agreed. Mikoyan wrote too that in the Ukraine “they destroyed their harvest last year—very dangerous . . . Nowadays we need strong leadership from a single leader as it was in Illich’s [Lenin’s] time and the best decision is you to be the candidate for the Chairmanship . . . Doesn’t all of mankind know who’s the ruler of our country?”[84]

Yet no one had ever held the posts of both General Secretary and Premier. Furthermore, could a foreigner,[85] a Georgian, formally lead the country? So Kaganovich backed Stalin’s nominee, Molotov.

“You should replace Rykov,” Stalin told Molotov.[86]

On 21 October, Stalin uncovered more betrayal: Sergei Syrtsov, candidate Politburo member and one of his protégés, was denounced for plotting against him. Denunciation was already a daily part of the Bolshevik ritual and a duty—Stalin’s files are filled with such letters. Syrtsov was summoned to the Central Committee. He implicated the First Secretary of the Transcaucasus Party, Beso Lominadze, an old friend of both Stalin and Sergo. Lominadze admitted secret meetings but claimed he only disapproved of comparing Stalin to Lenin. As ever, Stalin reacted melodramatically: “It’s unimaginable vileness . . . They played at staging a coup, they played at being the Politburo and plumbed the lowest depths ...”Then, after this eruption, Stalin asked Molotov: “How are things going for you?”[87]

Sergo wanted them expelled from the Party but Stalin, who understood already from his probings about Tukhachevsky that his position was not strong enough yet, just had them expelled from the Central Committee. There is a small but important postscript to this: Sergo Ordzhonikidze protected his friend Lominadze by not revealing all his letters to the CC. Instead he went to Stalin and offered them to him personally. Stalin was shocked—why not the CC? “Because I gave him my word,” said Sergo.

“How could you?” replied Stalin, adding later that Sergo had behaved not like a Bolshevik but “like . . . a prince. I told him I did not want to be part of his secret . . .” Later, this would assume a terrible significance.

On 19 December, a Plenum gathered to consolidate Stalin’s victories over his opponents. Plenums were the sittings of the all-powerful Central Committee, which Stalin compared to an “Areopagus,” in the huge converted hall in the Great Kremlin Palace with dark wood panelling and pews like a grim Puritan church. This was where the central magnates and regional viceroys, who ruled swathes of the country as First Secretaries of republics and cities, met like a medieval Council of Barons. These meetings most resembled the chorus of a vicious evangelical meeting with constant interjections of “Right!” or “Brutes!” or just laughter. This was one of the last Plenums where the old Bolshevik tradition of intellectual argument and wit still played a part. Voroshilov and Kaganovich clashed with Bukharin who was playing his role of supporting Stalin’s line now that his own Rightists had been defeated: “We’re right to crush the most dangerous Rightist deviation,” said Bukharin.

“And those infected with it!” called out Voroshilov.

“If you’re talking about their physical destruction, I leave it to those comrades who are . . . given to bloodthirstyness.” There was laughter but the jokes were becoming sinister. It was still unthinkable for the inner circle to be touched physically, yet Kaganovich pressured Stalin to be tougher on the opposition while Voroshilov demanded “the Procurator must be a very active organ...”[88]

The Plenum sacked Rykov as Premier and appointed Molotov.[89] Sergo joined the Politburo and took over the Supreme Economic Council, the industrial colossus that ran the entire Five-Year Plan. He was the ideal bulldozer to force through industrialization. The new promotions and aggressive push to complete the Plan in four years unleashed a welter of rows between these potentates. They defended their own commissariats and supporters. When they changed jobs they tended to change allegiances: as Chairman of the Control Commission, Sergo had backed the campaigns against saboteurs and wreckers in industry. The moment he took over Industry, he defended his specialists. Sergo started constantly rowing with Molotov, whom he “didn’t love much,” over his budgets. There was no radical group: some were more extreme at different times. Stalin himself, the chief organiser of Terror, meandered his way to his revolution.

Stalin refereed the arguments that became so vicious that Kuibyshev, Sergo and Mikoyan all threatened to resign, defending their posts: “Dear Stalin,” wrote Mikoyan coldly, “Your two telegrams disappointed me so much that I couldn’t work for two days. I can take any criticism . . . except being accused of being disloyal to the CC and you . . . Without your personal support, I can’t work as Narkom Supply and Trade . . . Better to find a new candidate but give me some other job . . .” Stalin apologized to Mikoyan and he often had to apologize to the others too. Dictators do not need to apologize.[90] Meanwhile, Andreyev returned from Rostov to head the disciplinary Control Commission while Kaganovich, just thirty-seven, became Stalin’s Deputy Secretary, joining the General Secretary and Premier Molotov in a ruling triumvirate.

“Brash and masculine,” tall and strong with black hair, long eyelashes and “fine brown eyes,” Lazar Moiseyevich Kaganovich was a workaholic always playing with amber worry beads or a key chain. Trained as a cobbler with minimal primary education, he looked first at a visitor’s boots. If he was impressed with their workmanship, he sometimes forced the visitor to take them off so he could admire them on his desk where he still kept a specially engraved tool set, presented to him by grateful workers.

The very model of a macho modern manager, Kaganovich had an explosive temper like his friend Sergo. Happiest with a hammer in his hand, he often hit his subordinates or lifted them up by their lapels—yet politically he was cautious, “quick and clever.” He constantly clashed with plodding Molotov who regarded him as “coarse, tough and straitlaced, very energetic, a good organizer, who floundered on . . . theory.” But he was the leader “most devoted to Stalin.” Despite the strong Jewish accent, Sergo believed he was their best orator: “He really captured the audience!” A boisterous manager so tough and forceful that he was nicknamed “The Locomotive,” Kaganovich “not only knew how to apply pressure,” said Molotov, “but he was something of a ruffian himself.” He “could get things done,” said Khrushchev. “If the CC put an axe in his hands, he’d chop up a storm” but destroy the “healthy trees with the rotten ones.” Stalin called him “Iron Lazar.”

Born in November 1893 in a hut in the remote village of Kabana in the Ukrainian-Belorussian borderlands into a poor, Orthodox Jewish family of five brothers and one sister, who all slept in one room, Lazar, the youngest, was recruited into the Party by his brother in 1911 and agitated in the Ukraine under the unlikely name of “Kosherovich.”

Lenin singled him out as a rising leader: he was far more impressive than he seemed. Constantly reading in his huge library, educating himself with Tsarist history textbooks (and the novels of Balzac and Dickens), this “worker-intellectual” was the brains behind the militarisation of the Party state. In 1918, aged twenty-four, he ran and terrorised Nizhny Novgorod. In 1919, he demanded a tight dictatorship, urging the military discipline of “Centralism.” In 1924, writing in clear but fanatical prose, it was he who designed the machinery of what became “Stalinism.” After running the appointments section of the CC, “Iron Lazar” was sent to run Central Asia then, in 1925, the Ukraine, before returning in 1928, joining the Politburo as a full member at the Sixteenth Congress in 1930.

Kaganovich and his wife Maria met romantically on a secret mission when these young Bolsheviks had to pretend to be married: they found their roles easy to play because they fell in love and got married. They were so happy together that they always held hands even sitting in Politburo limousines, bringing up their daughter and adopted son in a loving, rather Jewish household. Humorous and emotional, Lazar was an athlete who skied and rode, but he possessed the most pusillanimous instinct for self-preservation. As a Jew, Kaganovich was aware of his vulnerability and Stalin was equally sensitive in protecting his comrade from anti-Semitism. Kaganovich was the first true Stalinist, coining the word during a dinner at Zubalovo. “Everyone keeps talking about Lenin and Leninism but Lenin’s been gone a long time . . . Long live Stalinism!”

“How dare you say that?” retorted Stalin modestly. “Lenin was a tall tower and Stalin a little finger.” But Kaganovich treated Stalin far more reverently than Sergo or Mikoyan: he was, said Molotov disdainfully, “200% Stalinist.” He so admired the Vozhd, he admitted, that “when I go to Stalin, I try not to forget a thing! I so worry every time. I prepare every document in my briefcase and I fill my pockets with cribs like a schoolboy because no one knows what Stalin’s going to ask.” Stalin reacted to Kaganovich’s schoolboyish respect by teaching him how to spell and punctuate, even when he was so powerful: “I’ve reread your letter,” Kaganovich wrote to Stalin in 1931, “and realize that I haven’t carried out your directive to master punctuation marks. I’d started but haven’t quite managed it, but I can do it despite my burden of work. I’ll try to have full stops and commas in future letters.”[91] He respected Stalin as Russia’s own “Robespierre” and refused to call him by the intimate “thou”: “Did you ever call Lenin ‘thou’ ?”[92]

His brutality was more important than his punctuation: he had recently crushed peasant uprisings from the North Caucasus to western Siberia. Succeeding Molotov as Moscow boss and the hero of a cult approaching Stalin’s own, Iron Lazar began the vandalistic creation of a Bolshevik metropolis, enthusiastically dynamiting historic buildings.

By the summer of 1931, a serious shortage in the countryside was beginning to develop into a famine. While the Politburo softened its campaign against industrial specialists in mid-July, the rural struggle continued. The GPU and the 180,000 Party workers sent from cities used the gun, the lynch mob and the Gulag camp system to break the villages. Over two million were deported to Siberia or Kazakhstan; in 1930, there were 179,000 slaving in the Gulags; almost a million by 1935.[93] Terror and forced labour became the essence of Politburo business. On a sheet covered in doodles, Stalin scrawled in a thick blue pencil:

Who can do the arrests?

What to do with ex-White military in our industrial factories?

Prisons must be emptied of prisoners. [He wanted them sentenced faster to make room for kulaks.]

What to do with different groups arrested?

To allow . . . deportations: Ukraine 145,000. N. Caucasus 71,000. Lower Volga 50,000 (a lot!), Belorussia 42,000 . . . West Siberia 50,000, East Siberia 30,000 . . .

On and on it goes until he totals it up to 418,000 exiles.[94] Meanwhile, he totted up the poods of grain and bread by hand on pieces of paper,[95] like a village shopkeeper running an empire.[96]

“Let’s get out of town,” scrawled Stalin, around this time, to Voroshilov, who replied on the same note:

“Koba, can you see . . . Kalmykov for five minutes?”

“I can,” answered Stalin. “Let’s head out of town and take him with us.”[97] The war of extermination in the countryside in no way restrained the magnates’ country-house existence. They had been assigned dachas soon after the Revolution where, often, the real power was brokered.

At the centre of this idyllic life was Zubalovo, near Usovo, 35 kilometres outside Moscow, where Stalin and several others had their dachas. Before the Revolution, a Baku oil nabob named Zubalov had built two walled estates, each with a mansion, one for his son, one for himself. There were four houses altogether, gabled Gothic dachas of German design. The Mikoyans shared the Big House at Zubalovo Two with a Red Army commander, a Polish Communist and Pavel Alliluyev. Voroshilov and other commanders shared a Little House. Their wives and children constantly visited one another—the extended family of the Revolution enjoying a Chekhovian summer.

Stalin’s Zubalovo One was a magical world for the children. “It was a real life of freedom,” recalls Artyom. “Such happiness,” thought Svetlana. The parents lived upstairs, the children downstairs. The gardens were “sunny and abundant,” wrote Svetlana. Stalin was an enthusiastic gardener though he preferred inspecting and clipping roses to real labour. Photographs show him taking his little children for strolls round the gardens. There was a library, a billiard room, a Russian bath and later a cinema. Svetlana adored this “happy sheltered life” with its vegetable gardens, orchards and a farm where they milked cows and fed geese, chickens and guinea fowl, cats and white rabbits. “We had huge white lilacs, dark purple lilacs, jasmine which my mother loved, and a very fragrant shrub with a lemony smell. We walked in the woods with nanny. Picked wild strawberries and black currants and cherries.”

“Stalin’s house,” remembers Artyom, “was full of friends.” Nadya’s parents Sergei and Olga were always there—though they now lived apart. They stayed at different ends of the house but bickered at table. While Sergei enjoyed mending anything in the house and was friendly with the servants, Olga, according to Svetlana, “threw herself into the role of grand lady and loved her high position which my mother never did.”

Nadya played tennis with an immaculate Voroshilov, when he was sober, and Kaganovich, who played in his tunic and boots. Mikoyan, Voroshilov and Budyonny[98]rode horses donated by the Cavalry Inspectorate. If it was winter, Kaganovich and Mikoyan skied. Molotov pulled his daughter in a sledge like a nag pulling a peasant’s plough. Voroshilov and Sergo were avid hunters. Stalin preferred billiards. The Andreyevs took up rock climbing which they regarded as a most Bolshevik pursuit. Even in 1930, Bukharin was often at Zubalovo with his wife and daughter. He brought some of his menagerie of animals—his pet foxes ran around the grounds. Nadya was close to “Bukharchik” and they often walked together. Yenukidze was also a member of this extended family. But there was always business to be done too.

The children were used to the bodyguards and secretaries: the bodyguards were part of the family. Pauker, the head of the Guards Directorate, and Stalin’s own bodyguard, Nikolai Vlasik, were always there. “Pauker was great fun. He liked children like all Jews and did not have a high opinion of himself but Vlasik strutted around like a stuffed turkey,” says Kira Alliluyeva, Stalin’s niece.

Karl Pauker, thirty-six, was the children’s favourite, and important to Stalin himself. A symbol of the cosmopolitan culture of the Cheka of that time, this Jewish-Hungarian had been hairdresser at the Budapest Opera before being conscripted into the Austro-Hungarian army, captured by the Russians in 1916 and converted to Bolshevism. He was an accomplished actor, performing accents, especially Jewish ones, for Stalin. Rotund, with his belly held in by a (much-mocked) corset, bald, perfumed, with a scarlet sensuous mouth, this showman loved elaborate OGPU uniforms and pranced around on 1½-inch-heeled boots. He sometimes returned to hairdressing, shaving Stalin like a valet, using talcum powder to fill the pock-marks. The font of delicacies, cars and new products for the Politburo, he kept the secrets of the magnates’ private lives. Said to provide mistresses for Kalinin and Voroshilov, he procured girls for Stalin himself.

Pauker used to show off his Cadillac, a gift from Stalin, to the children. Long before Stalin officially agreed to bring back the Christmas tree in 1936, Pauker played Father Christmas, delivering presents round the Kremlin and running Christmas parties for the children. The secret policeman as Father Christmas is a symbol of this strange world.[99]

The other figure who was never far away was Stalin’s chef de cabinet, Alexander Poskrebyshev, thirty-nine, who scuttled round the garden at Zubalovo delivering the latest paperwork. Small, bald, reddish-haired, this bootmaker’s son from the Urals had trained as a medical nurse, conducting Bolshevik meetings in his surgery. When Stalin found him working in the CC, he told him, “You’ve a fearsome look. You’ll terrify people.” This “narrow-shouldered dwarf ” was “dreadfully ugly,” resembling “a monkey,” but possessed “an excellent memory and was meticulous in his work.” His Special Sector was the heart of Stalin’s power machine. Poskrebyshev prepared and attended Politburos.

When Stalin exerted his patronage, helping a protégé get an apartment, it was Poskrebyshev who actually did the work: “I ask you to HELP THEM IMMEDIATELY,” Stalin typically wrote to him. “Inform me by letter about quick and exact carrying out of this request.” Lost in the archives until now is Stalin’s correspondence with Poskrebyshev: here we find Stalin teasing his secretary: “I’m receiving English newspapers but not German . . . why? How could it be that you make a mistake? Is it bureaucratism? Greetings. J. Stalin.” Sometimes he was in the doghouse: in 1936, one finds on one of Stalin’s list of things to do: “1. To forgive Poskrebyshev and his friends.”

The sad, twitchy face of this Quasimodo was a weather vane of the leader’s favour. If he was friendly, you were in favour. If not, he sometimes whispered, “You’re in for it today.” The cognoscenti knew that the best way to get Stalin to read their letter was to address it to Alexander Nikolaievich. At work, Stalin called him Comrade but at home, he was “Sasha” or “the Chief.”

Poskrebyshev was part buffoon, part monster, but he later suffered grievously at Stalin’s hands. According to his daughter Natalya, he asked if he could study medicine but Stalin made him study economics instead. But in the end, this half-trained nurse provided the only medical care Stalin received.[100]

Stalin rose late, at about eleven, took breakfast and worked during the day on his piles of papers, which he carried around wrapped in the newspaper—he did not like briefcases. When he was sleeping, anxious parents begged children to be quiet.

The big daytime meal was an expansive “brunch” at 3–4 p.m. with all the family and, of course, half the Politburo and their wives. When there were visitors, Stalin played the Georgian host. “He was elaborately hospitable in that Asiatic way,” remembers Leonid Redens, his nephew. “He was very kind to the children.” Whenever Stalin’s brood needed someone to play with, there were their Alliluyev cousins, Pavel’s children, Kira, Sasha and Sergei, and the younger boys of Anna Redens. Then there was the Bolshevik family: Mikoyan’s popular sons, whom Stalin nicknamed the “Mikoyanchiks,” only had to scamper over from next door.

The children ran around together but Svetlana found there were too many boys and not enough girls to play with. Her brother Vasily bullied her and showed off by telling her sexual stories that she later admitted disturbed and upset her. “Stalin was very loving to Svetlana but he did not really like the boys,” recalls Kira. He invented an imaginary girl named Lelka who was Svetlana’s perfect alter ego. Weak Vasily was already a problem. Nadya understood this and gave him more attention. But Bolshevik parents did not raise their children: they were brought up by nannies and tutors: “It was like an aristocratic family in Victorian times,” says Svetlana. “So were the others, the Kaganoviches, Molotovs, Voroshilovs . . . But the ladies of that top circle were all working so my mother did not dress or feed me. I don’t remember any physical affection from her but she was very fond of my brother. She certainly loved me, I could tell, but she was a disciplinarian.” Once when she cut up a tablecloth, her mother spanked her hard.

Stalin kissed and squeezed Svetlana with “overflowing Georgian affection” but she claimed later that she did not like his “smell of tobacco and bristly moustache.” Her mother, whose love was so hard to earn, became the untouchable saint in her eyes.

The Bolsheviks, who believed it was possible to create a Leninist “New Man,” placed stern emphasis on education.[101] The magnates were semi-educated autodidacts who never stopped studying, so their children were expected to work hard and grew up much more cultured than their parents, speaking three languages which they had learned from special tutors. (The Stalin and Molotov children shared the same English tutor.)

The Party did not merely come before family, it was an über-family: when Lenin died, Trotsky said he was “orphaned” and Kaganovich was already calling Stalin “our father.” Stalin lectured Bukharin that “the personal element is . . . not worth a brass farthing. We’re not a family circle or a coterie of close friends—we’re the political party of the working class.” They cultivated their coldness.[102] “A Bolshevik should love his work more than his wife,” said Kirov. The Mikoyans were a close Armenian family but Anastas was a “stern, exacting, even severe” father who never forgot he was a Politburo member and a Bolshevik: when he spanked his son, he said in time with the smacks: “It’s not YOU who’s Mikoyan, it’s ME!” Stepan Mikoyan’s mother Ashken “sometimes ‘forgot herself ’ and gave us a hug.” Once at a dinner in the Kremlin, Stalin told Yenukidze, “A true Bolshevik shouldn’t and couldn’t have a family because he should give himself wholly to the Party.” As one veteran put it: “If you have to choose between Party and individual, you choose the Party because the Party has the general aim, the good of many people but one person is just one person.”

Yet Stalin could be very indulgent to children, giving them rides around the estate in his limousine: “I think ‘Uncle Stalin’ really loved me,” muses Artyom. “I respected him but I didn’t fear him. He managed to make one’s conversation interesting. He always made you formulate your thoughts like an adult.”

“Let’s play the game of egg breaking—who can break theirs first?” Stalin asked his nephew Leonid when boiled eggs arrived. He entertained the children by throwing orange peel, wine corks into the ice cream or biscuits into their tea. “We children thought this was hilarious,” recalls Vladimir Redens.

It was the Caucasian tradition to let babies suck wine off the adults’ fingers and when they were older to give them little glasses of wine. Stalin often gave Vasily, and later Svetlana, sips of wine, which seems harmless (though Vasily died of alcoholism) but this infuriated the stern Nadya. They constantly argued about it. When Nadya or her sister told him off, Stalin just chuckled: “Don’t you know it’s medicinal?”

Once Artyom did something that could have become serious because Stalin was already highly suspicious. “When the leaders were working in the dining room,” young Artyom noticed the soup which, as always, was on the sideboard. The boy crept behind the backs of Stalin, Molotov and Voroshilov and naughtily sprinkled Stalin’s tobacco into the broth. He then waited to see if they would eat it. “Molotov and Voroshilov tried it and found the tobacco. Stalin asked who did it. I said it was me.”

“Have you tried it?” asked Stalin.

Artyom shook his head.

“Well, it’s delicious,” replied Stalin. “You try it and if you like it, you can go and tell Carolina Vasilevna [Til, the housekeeper] to always put tobacco in the soup. If not, you better not do it again.”

The children were aware that it was a political household. “We looked at everything with humour and irony,” says Leonid Redens. “When Stalin dismissed a commissar, we regarded it with amusement.” This was a joke that would not remain funny for long.[103]

This country set knew about the unspeakable depredations in the countryside. Stanislas Redens, Stalin and Nadya’s brother-in-law, was the GPU boss of the Ukraine, at the centre of the famine, a job that entailed intimate knowledge and participation: there is no doubt that his wife talked to Nadya about the Ukraine’s tragedy. Soon it had poisoned not only Stalin’s marriage but the Bolshevik family itself.

 

 

5.   Holidays and Hell: The Politburo at the Seaside

In late 1931, Stalin, Nadya and most of the magnates were already on holiday as the hunger turned to famine. They took their holidays very seriously. Indeed, at least ten percent of the letters between Stalin’s circle, even during the worst years of famine, concerned their holidays. (Another twenty percent concerned their health.) Networking on holiday was the best way to get to know Stalin: more careers were made, more intrigues clinched, on those sunny verandas than on the snowy battlements of the Kremlin.[104]

There was a fixed ritual for taking these holidays: the question was formally put to the Politburo “to propose to Comrade Stalin one week’s holiday” but by the late twenties, the holidays had expanded from “twenty days” to one or two months “on the suggestion of doctors.” Once the dates were arranged, Stalin’s secretary sent a memorandum to Yagoda, giving him the schedule “so bodyguards can be arranged appropriately.”[105]

The potentates set off in private trains, guarded by OGPU troops, southwards to the Soviet Riviera—the Politburo’s southern dachas and sanatoria were spread from the Crimea in the west to the Georgian spa of Borzhomi in the east. Molotov preferred the Crimea but Stalin favoured the steamy Black Sea coastline that ran from Sochi down into the semi-tropical towns of Sukhumi and Gagra in Abkhazia. All were state-owned but it was understood that whoever supervised their building had preferential rights to use them.

The magnates moved about to visit one another, asking permission so as not to wreck anyone else’s holiday, but naturally they tended to cluster around Stalin. “Stalin would like to come to Mukhalatka [in the Crimea][106] but does not want to disturb anyone else. Ask Yagoda to organize bodyguards . . .”[107]

There was a dark side to their holidays. The OGPU carefully planned Stalin’s train journey which, during the Hunger, was accompanied by a train of provisions. If, on arrival, the staff thought there was still a shortage of food for Stalin and his guests, his assistants rapidly sent “a telegram to Orel and Kursk” to despatch more. They eagerly reported that during the journey they had successfully cooked Stalin hot meals. “As for the GPU,” wrote one of his assistants, “there’s lots of work, massive arrests have taken place” and they were still working on hunting down “those who remain . . . Two bands of bandits have been arrested.”[108]

Stalin’s tastes in holiday houses changed but in the thirties, Dacha No. 9 in Sochi was his favourite. Krasnaya Polyana, Red Meadow, was “a wooden house with a veranda around the whole outside,” says Artyom, who usually holidayed with “Uncle Stalin.”[109]  Stalin’s house stood high on the hill while Molotov and Voroshilov’s houses stood symbolically in the valley below. When Nadya was on holiday with her husband, they usually invited a wider family, including Yenukidze and the obese proletarian poet, Demian Bedny. It was the job of Stalin’s staff, along with the secret police and the local bosses, to prepare the house before his arrival: “The villa . . . has been renovated 100%,” wrote one of his staff, “as if ready for a great party” with every imaginable fruit.[110]

They enjoyed holidaying in groups, like an American university fraternity house, often without their wives who were with the children in Moscow. “Molotov and I ride horses, play tennis, skittles, boating, shooting—in a word, a perfect rest,” wrote Mikoyan to his wife, listing the others who were with them. “It’s a male Bolshevik monastery.” But at other times they took their wives and children too: when Kuibyshev went on holiday, the shock-haired economics boss and poet travelled round the Black Sea with a “large and jolly troupe” of pretty girls and bon vivants.[111]

They competed to holiday with Stalin but the most popular companion was the larger-than-life Sergo. Yenukidze often invited his fellow womanizer Kuibyshev to party with him in his Georgian village. Stalin was half jealous of these men and sounded delighted when Molotov failed to rendezvous with Sergo: “Are you running away from Sergo?” he asked.[112] They always asked each other who was there: “Here in Nalchik,” wrote Stalin, “there’s me, Voroshilov and Sergo.”[113]

“I got your note,” Stalin told Andreyev. “Devil take me! I was in Sukhumi and we didn’t meet by chance. If I’d known about your intention to visit . . . I’d never have left Sochi . . . How did you spend your holidays? Did you hunt as much as you wanted?”[114] Once they had arrived at their houses, the magnates advised which place was best: “Come to the Crimea in September,” Stalin wrote to Sergo from Sochi, adding that Borzhomi in Georgia was comfortable “because there are no mosquitoes . . . In August and half of September, I’ll be in Krasnaya Polyana [Sochi]. The GPU have found a very nice dacha in the mountains but my illness prevents me going yet . . . Klim [Voroshilov] is now in Sochi and we’re quite often together...”[115]

“In the south,” says Artyom, “the centre of planning went with him.” Stalin worked on the veranda in a wicker chair with a wicker table on which rested a huge pile of papers. Planes flew south daily bringing his letters. Poskrebyshev (often in a neighbouring cottage) scuttled in to deliver them. Stalin constantly demanded more journals to read. He used to read out letters and then tell the boys his reply. Once he got a letter from a worker complaining that there were no showers at his mine. Stalin wrote on the letter, “If there is no resolution soon and no water, the director of the mine should be tried as an Enemy of the People.”[116]

Stalin was besieged with questions from Molotov or Kaganovich, left in charge in Moscow. “Shame we don’t have a connection with Sochi by telephone,”[117] wrote Voroshilov. “Telephone would help us. I’d like to visit you for 2–3 days and also have a sleep. I haven’t been able to sleep normally for a long time.”[118] But Stalin relished his dominance: “The number of Politburo inquiries doesn’t affect my health,” he told Molotov. “You can send as many inquiries as you like—I’ll be happy to answer them.” They all wrote Stalin long, handwritten letters knowing, as Bukharin put it, “Koba loves to receive letters.”[119] Kaganovich, in charge in Moscow for the first time, took full advantage of this though the Politburo still took most of the decisions themselves, with Stalin intervening from afar if he disapproved.

The vain, abrasive, emotional magnates often argued viciously in Stalin’s absence: after a row with his friend Sergo, Kaganovich admitted to Stalin, “This upset me very much.” Stalin often enjoyed such conflicts: “Well, dear friends . . . more squabbling . . .” Nonetheless, sometimes even Stalin was exasperated: “I can’t and shouldn’t give decisions on every possible and imaginable question raised at Politburo. You should be able to study and produce a response . . . yourselves!”[120]

There was time for fun too: Stalin took a great interest in the gardens at the house, planting lemon bowers and orange groves, proudly weeding and setting his entourage to toil in the sun. Stalin so appreciated the gardener in Sochi, one Alferov, that he wrote to Poskrebyshev: “it would be good to put [Alferov] in the Academy of Agriculture—he’s the gardener in Sochi, a very good and honest worker . . .”

His life in the south bore no resemblance to the cold solitude that one associates with Stalin. “Joseph Vissarionovich liked expeditions into nature,” wrote Voroshilova in her diary. “He drove by car and we settled near some small river, lit a fire and made a barbecue, singing songs and playing jokes.” The whole entourage went on these expeditions.

“We often all of us get together,” wrote one excited secretary to another. “We fire air rifles at targets, we often go on walks and expeditions in the cars, we climb into the forest, and have barbecues where we grill kebabs, booze away and then grub’s up!” Stalin and Yenukidze entertained the guests with stories of their adventures as pre-revolutionary conspirators while Demian Bedny told “obscene stories of which he had an inexhaustible reserve.” Stalin shot partridges and went boating.

“I remember the dacha in Sochi when Klim and I were invited over by Comrade Stalin,” wrote Voroshilova. “I watched him playing games such as skittles and Nadezhda Sergeevna was playing tennis.” Stalin and the cavalryman Budyonny played skittles with Vasily and Artyom. Budyonny was so strong that when he threw the skittle, he broke the entire set and the shield behind. Everyone laughed about his strength (and stupidity): “If you’re strong you don’t need a brain.” They teased him for hurting himself by doing a parachute jump. “He thought he was jumping off a horse!”

“Only two men were known as the first cavalrymen of the world— Napoleon’s Marshal Lannes and Semyon Budyonny,” Stalin defended him, “so we should listen to everything he says about cavalry!” Years later, Voroshilova could only write: “What a lovely time it was!”[121]

That September 1931, Stalin and Nadya were visited by two Georgian potentates, one she loved, one she hated. The popular one was Nestor Lakoba, the Old Bolshevik leader of Abkhazia which he ruled like an independent fiefdom with unusual gentleness. He protected some of the local princes and resisted collectivization, claiming there were no Abkhazian kulaks. When the Georgian Party appealed to Moscow, Stalin and Sergo supported Lakoba. Slim and dapper, with twinkling eyes, black hair brushed back, and a hearing aid because he was partially deaf, this player strolled the streets and cafés of his little realm, like a troubadour. As the maitre d’ of the élite holiday resorts, he knew everyone and was always building Stalin new homes and arranging banquets for him—just as he is portrayed in Fasil Iskander’s Abkhazian novel, Sandro of Chegem. Stalin regarded him as a true ally: “Me Koba,” he joked, “you Lakoba!” Lakoba was another of the Bolshevik family, spending afternoons sitting out on the veranda with Stalin. When Lakoba visited the dacha, bringing his feasts and Abkhazian sing-songs, Stalin shouted: “Vivat Abkhazia!” Artyom says Lakoba’s arrival “was like light pouring into the house.”

Stalin allowed Lakoba to advise him on the Georgian Party, which was particularly clannish and resistant to orders from the centre. This was the reason for the other guest: Lavrenti (the Georgian version of Laurence) Pavlovich Beria, Transcaucasus GPU chief. Beria was balding, short and agile with a broad fleshy face, swollen sensual lips and flickering “snake eyes” behind a glistening pince-nez. This gifted, intelligent, ruthless and tirelessly competent adventurer, whom Stalin would one day describe as “our Himmler,” brandished the exotic flattery, sexual appetites and elaborate cruelty of a Byzantine courtier in his rise to dominate first the Caucasus, then Stalin’s circle, and finally the USSR itself.

Born near Sukhumi of Mingrelian parentage, probably the illegitimate son of an Abkhazian landowner and his pious Georgian mother, Beria had almost certainly served as a double agent for the anti-Communist Mussavist regime that ruled Baku during the Civil War. It was said that Stalin’s ally, Sergei Kirov, had saved him from the death penalty, a fate he had only escaped because there was no time to arrange the execution. Training as an architect at the Baku Polytechnic, he was attracted by the power of the Cheka, which he then joined and wherein he prospered, promoted by Sergo. Even by the standards of that ghastly organization, he stood out for his sadism. “Beria is a man for whom it costs nothing to kill his best friend if that best friend uttered something bad about Beria,” said one of his henchmen. His other career as a sexual adventurer had started, he later told his daughter-in-law, on an architectural study trip to Romania when he had been seduced by an older woman—but while in prison during the Civil War, he fell in love with his cellmate’s blonde, golden-eyed teenage niece, Nina Gegechkori, a member of a gentry family: one uncle became a minister in Georgia’s Menshevik government, another in the Bolshevik one. When he was twenty-two, already a senior Chekist, and she was seventeen, she petitioned Beria for her uncle’s release. Beria courted her and they finally eloped on his official train, hence the myth that he raped her in his carriage. On the contrary, she remained in love with her “charmer” throughout her long life.

Beria was now thirty-two, the personification of the 1918 generation of leaders, much better educated than his elders in the first generation, such as Stalin and Kalinin, both over fifty, or the second, Mikoyan and Kaganovich, in their late thirties. Like the latter, Beria was competitive at everything and an avid sportsman—playing left-back for Georgia’s football team, and practising ju-jitsu. Coldly competent, fawningly sycophantic yet gleaming with mischief, he had a genius for cultivating patrons. Sergo, then Caucasus boss, eased his rise in the GPU and, in 1926, introduced him to Stalin for the first time. Beria took over his holiday security.

“Without you,” Beria wrote to Sergo, “I’d have no one. You’re more than a brother or father to me.” Sergo steered Beria through meetings that declared him innocent of working for the enemy. In 1926, when Sergo was promoted to Moscow, Beria fell out with him and began to cultivate the most influential man in the region, Lakoba, importuning him to let him see Stalin again.

Stalin had been irritated by Beria’s oleaginous blandishments on holiday. When Beria arrived at the dacha, Stalin grumbled, “What, he came again?” and sent him away, adding, “Tell him, here Lakoba’s the master!” When Beria fell out with the Georgian bosses, who regarded him as an amoral mountebank, Lakoba backed him. Yet Beria aimed higher.

“Dear Comrade Nestor,” Beria wrote to Lakoba, “I want very much to see Comrade Koba before his departure . . . if you would remind him of it.”

So now Lakoba brought Beria to the Vozhd. Stalin had become infuriated by the insubordinate clans of Georgian bosses, who promoted their old friends, gossiped with their patrons in Moscow, and knew too much about his inglorious early antics. Lakoba proposed to replace these Old Bolshevik fat cats with Beria, one of the new generation devoted to Stalin. Nadya hated Beria on sight.

“How can you have that man in the house?”

“He’s a good worker,” replied Stalin. “Give me facts.”

“What facts do you need?” Nadya shrieked back. “He’s a scoundrel. I won’t have him in the house.” Stalin later remembered that he sent her to the Devil: “He’s my friend, a good Chekist . . . I trust him . . .” Kirov and Sergo warned Stalin against Beria but he ignored their advice, something he later regretted. Now he welcomed his new protégé. Nonetheless, “when he came into the house,” recalls Artyom, “he brought darkness with him.” Stalin, according to Lakoba’s notes, agreed to promote the Chekist but asked: “Will Beria be okay?”

“Beria’ll be fine,” replied Lakoba who would soon have reason to regret his reassurance.[122]

After Sochi, Stalin and Nadya took the waters at Tsaltubo. Stalin wrote to Sergo from Tsaltubo to tell him about his new plan for their joint protégé. He joked that he had seen the regional bosses, calling one “a very comical figure” and another “now too fat.” He concluded, “They agreed to bring Beria into the Kraikom [regional committee] of Georgia.” Sergo and the Georgian bosses were appalled at a policeman lording it over old revolutionaries. Yet Stalin happily signed off to Sergo, “Greetings from Nadya! How’s Zina?”[123]

Taking the waters was an annual pilgrimage. In 1923, Mikoyan found Stalin suffering from rheumatism with his arm bandaged and suggested that he take the waters in the Matsesta Baths near Sochi. Mikoyan even chose the merchant’s house with three bedrooms and a salon in which Stalin stayed. It was a mark of the close relationship between the two men.[124] Stalin often took Artyom with him “in an old open Rolls-Royce made in 1911.” Only his personal bodyguard Vlasik accompanied them.[125]

Stalin seems to have been shy physically, either because of his arm or his psoriasis: among the leaders, only Kirov went to the baths with him. But he did not mind Artyom. As they soaked in the steam, Stalin told Artyom “stories about his childhood and adventures in the Caucasus, and discussed our health.”

Stalin was obsessed with his own health and that of his comrades. They were “responsible workers” for the people, so the preservation of their health was a matter of State. This was already a Soviet tradition: Lenin supervised his leaders’ health. By the early thirties, Stalin’s Politburo worked so hard and under such pressure that it was not surprising that their health, already undermined by Tsarist exile and Civil War, was seriously compromised. Their letters read like the minutes of a hypochondriacs’ convention.[126]

“Now I’m getting healthy,” Stalin confided in Molotov. “The waters here near Sochi are very good and work against sclerosis, neurosis, sciatica, gout and rheumatism. Shouldn’t you send your wife here?” 18 Stalin suffered the tolls of the poor diet and icy winters of his exiles: his tonsillitis flared up when he was stressed. He so liked the Matsesta specialist, Professor Valedinsky, that he often invited him to drink cognac on the veranda with his children, the novelist Maxim Gorky, and the Politburo. Later he moved Valedinsky to Moscow and the professor remained his personal physician until the war.

His dental problems might themselves have caused his aches. After his dentist Shapiro had worked heroically, at Nadya’s insistence, on eight of his rotten and yellowed teeth, Stalin was grateful: “Do you wish to ask me anything?” The dentist asked a favour. “The dentist Shapiro who works a lot on our responsible workers asks me (now he’s working on me) to place his daughter in the medical department of Moscow University,” Stalin wrote to Poskrebyshev. “I think we must render such help to this man for the service he does daily for our comrades. So could you do this and fix it . . . very quickly . . . because we risk running out of time . . . I’m awaiting your answer.” If he could not get the daughter into Moscow, then Poskrebyshev must try Leningrad.[127]

Stalin liked to share his health with his friends: “At Sochi, I arrived with pleurisy (dry),” he told Sergo. “Now I feel well. I have taken a course of ten therapeutic baths. I’ve had no more complications with rheumatism.”[128] They told theirs too.[129]

“How’s your nephritic stone?” Stalin asked Sergo, who was holidaying with Kaganovich. The letters formed a hypochondriacal triangle.

“Kaganovich and I couldn’t come, we’re sitting on a big steamboat,” replied Sergo, telling “Soso,” “Kaganovich’s a bit ill. The cause isn’t clear yet. Maybe his heart is so-so . . . Doctors say the water and special baths will help him but he needs a month here . . . I feel good but not yet rested . . .”

Kaganovich sent a note too, from the Borzhomi Baths: “Dear Comrade Stalin, I send you a steamy hello . . . It’s a pity the storm means you can’t visit us.”[130] Sergo also told Stalin about Kaganovich’s health: “Kaganovich has swollen legs. The cause isn’t yet established but it’s possible his heart is beating too faintly. His holiday ends on 30th August but it’ll be necessary to prolong it...”[131] Even those in Moscow sent medical reports to Stalin on holiday: “Rudzutak’s ill and Sergo has microbes of TB and we’re sending him to Germany,” Molotov reported to his leader. “If we got more sleep, we’d make less mistakes.”[132]

Term was starting so Nadya headed back to Moscow. Stalin returned to Sochi whence he sent her affectionate notes: “We played bowling and skittles. Molotov has already visited us twice but as for his wife, she’s gone off somewhere.” Sergo and Kalinin arrived but “there’s nothing new. Let Vasya and Svetlana write to me.”

Unlike the year before, Stalin and Nadya had got on well during the holidays, to judge by their letters. Despite Beria, her tone was confident and cheerful. Nadya wanted to report to her husband on the situation in Moscow. Far from being anti-Party, she remained as eager as ever to pass her exams and become a qualified manager: she worked hard on her textile designs with Dora Khazan.

“Moscow’s better,” she wrote, “but like a woman powdering to cover her blemishes, especially when it runs and runs in streaks.” Kaganovich’s remodelling of Moscow was already shaking the city, such was his explosive energy. The destruction of the Christ the Saviour, the ugly nineteenth-century cathedral, to make way for a much more hideous Palace of the Soviets, was progressing slowly. Nadya began to report “details” that she thought Stalin needed to know but she saw them from a very feminine aesthetic: “The Kremlin’s clean but its garage-yard’s very ugly . . . Prices in the shops are very high and stocks very high. Don’t be angry that I’m so detailed but I’d like the people to be relieved of all these problems and it would be good for all workers . . .” Then she turned back to Stalin himself: “Please rest well . . .” Yet the tensions in government could not be concealed from Nadya: indeed she was living at the heart of them, in the tiny world of the Kremlin where the other leaders visited her every day: “Sergo called me—he was disappointed by your blaming letter. He looked very tired.”[133]

Stalin was not angry about the “details.” “It’s good. Moscow changes for the better.”[134] He asked her to call Sergei Kirov, the Leningrad boss, of whom he was especially fond: “He decided to come to you on 12th September,” she told him, asking a few days later, “Did Kirov visit you?” Kirov soon arrived in Sochi where his house was one of those down in the valley beneath Stalin’s. They played the games that perhaps reflected Stalin’s spell as a weatherman: “With Kirov, we tested the temperature in the valley where he lives and up where I live—there’s a difference of two degrees.”[135] Stalin was no swimmer, probably because of his bad arm though he told Artyom it was because “mountain people don’t swim.” But now he went swimming with Kirov.

“Good that Kirov visited you,” she wrote back, sweetly, to her husband who had once saved her life in the water. “You must be careful swimming.” Later he had a special paddling pool built inside the house at Sochi, to precisely his height, so he could cool off in private.

Meanwhile the famine was gaining momentum: Voroshilov wrote to Stalin, encouraging the despatch of leaders into the regions to see what was happening.

“You’re right,” Stalin agreed on 24 September 1931. “We don’t always understand the meaning of personal trips and personal acquaintance of people with affairs. We’d win a lot more often if we travelled more and got to know people. I didn’t want to go on holiday but . . . was very tired and my health’s improving . . .” He was not the only one on holiday while discussing the famine: Budyonny reported starvation but concluded, “The building on my new country house is finished, it’s very pretty...”[136]

“It’s raining endlessly in Moscow,” Nadya informed Stalin. “The children have already had flu. I protect myself by wrapping up warmly.” Then she teased him playfully about a defector’s book about Lenin and Stalin. “I read the White journals. There’s interesting material about you. Are you curious? I asked Dvinsky [Poskrebyshev’s deputy] to find it . . . Sergo phoned and complained about his pneumonia . . .”

There was a fearsome storm in Sochi: “The gale howled for two days with the fury of an enraged beast,” wrote Stalin. “Eighteen large oaks uprooted in the grounds of our dacha . . .” He was happy to receive the children’s letters. “Kiss them from me, they’re good children.”

Svetlana’s note to her “First Secretary” commanded: “Hello Papochka. Come home quickly—it’s an order!” Stalin obeyed. The crisis was worsening.[137]

 

 

 

6.   Trains Full of Corpses: Love, Death and Hysteria

The peasants ate dogs, horses, rotten potatoes, the bark of trees, anything they could find,” observed one witness, Fedor Belov, while, on 21 December 1931, in the midst of this crisis, Stalin celebrated his birthday at Zubalovo. “I remember visiting that house with Kliment on birthdays and recall the hospitality of Joseph Vissarionovich. Songs, dances, yes, yes, dances. All were dancing as they could!” wrote the diarist Ekaterina Voroshilova, Jewish wife of the Defence Commissar, herself a revolutionary, once Yenukidze’s mistress and now a fattening housewife. First they sang: Voroshilova recalled how they performed operatic arias, peasant romances, Georgian laments, Cossack ballads—and, surprisingly for these godless ruffians, hymns, learned in village churches and seminaries.

Sometimes they forgot the ladies and burst into bawdy songs too. Voroshilov and Stalin, both ex-choirboys, sang together: Stalin “had a good tenor voice and he loved songs and music,” she writes. “He had his favourite arias”—he particularly liked old Georgian melodies, arias from Rigoletto, and he always wanted to hear the hymn from the Orthodox liturgy, Mnogaya leta. He later told President Truman, “Music’s an excellent thing, it reduces the beast in men,” a subject on which he was surely something of an expert. Stalin’s pitch was perfect: it was a “rare” and “sweet” voice. Indeed, one of his lieutenants said Stalin was good enough to have become a professional singer, a mind-boggling historical possibility.

Stalin presided over the American gramophone—he “changed the discs and entertained the guests—he loved the funny ones.” Molotov was “dancing the Russian way with a handkerchief ” with Polina in the formal style of someone who had learned ballroom dancing. The Caucasians dominated the dancing. As Voroshilova describes it, Anastas Mikoyan danced up to Nadya Stalin. This Armenian who had studied for the priesthood like Stalin himself, was slim, circumspect, wily and industrious, with black hair, moustache and flashing eyes, a broken aquiline nose and a taste for immaculate clothes that, even when clad in his usual tunic and boots, lent him the air of a lithe dandy. Highly intelligent with the driest of wits, he had a gift for languages, understanding English, and in 1931, he taught himself German by translating Das Kapital.

Mikoyan was not afraid to contradict Stalin yet became the great survivor of Soviet history, still at the top in Brezhnev’s time. A Bolshevik since 1915, he had proven his ruthless competence in the Caucasus during the Civil War. He was captured with the famous Twenty-Six Commissars—yet typically he alone survived. They were all shot. He was now the overlord of trade and supply.[138] Svetlana, Stalin’s daughter, thought him the most attractive of the magnates, “youthful and dashing.” He was certainly the finest dancer and sharpest dresser. “One was never bored with Mikoyan,” says Artyom. “He’s our cavalier,” declared Khrushchev. “At least he’s the best we’ve got!” But he warned against trusting that “shrewd fox from the east.”

Though devoted to his modest, cosy wife Ashken, Mikoyan, perhaps trying to include Nadya in the festivities, “for a long time scraped his feet before Nadezhda Sergeevna, asking her to dance the lezginka [a traditional Caucasian dance that she knew well] with him. He danced in very quick time, stretching up as if taller and thinner.” But Nadya was “so shy and bashful” at this Armenian chivalry that she “covered her face with her hands and, as if unable to react to this sweet and artistic dance, she slipped from his energetic approaches.” Perhaps she was aware of Stalin’s jealousy.

Voroshilov was as light-footed a tripper on the dance floor as he was a graceless blunderer on the political stage. He danced the gopak and then asked for partners for what his wife called “his star turn, the polka.” It was no wonder that the atmosphere among the magnates was so febrile. In the countryside, the regime itself seemed to be tottering.[139]

By the summer, when Fred Beal, an American radical, visited a village near Kharkov, then capital of Ukraine, he found the inhabitants dead except one insane woman. Rats feasted in huts that had become charnel houses.

On 6 June 1932, Stalin and Molotov declared that “no matter of deviation—regarding either amounts or deadlines set for grain deliveries—can be permitted.” On 17 June, the Ukrainian Politburo, led by Vlas Chubar and Stanislas Kosior, begged for food assistance as the regions were in “a state of emergency.” Stalin blamed Chubar and Kosior themselves, combined with “wrecking” by enemies—the famine itself was merely a hostile act against the Central Committee, hence himself. “The Ukraine,” he wrote to Kaganovich, “has been given more than it should get.” When an official bravely reported the famine to the Politburo, Stalin interrupted: “They tell us, Comrade Terekhov, that you’re a good orator, but it transpires that you’re a good story-teller. Fabricating such a fairy tale about famine! Thought you’d scare us but it won’t work. Wouldn’t it be better for you to leave the post of . . . Ukrainian CC Secretary and join the Writers’ Union: you’ll concoct fables, and fools will read them.” Mikoyan was visited by a Ukrainian who asked, “Does Comrade Stalin—for that matter does anyone in the Politburo—know what is happening in Ukraine? Well if not, I’ll give you some idea. A train recently pulled into Kiev loaded with corpses of people who had starved to death. It had picked up corpses all the way from Poltava . . .”

The magnates knew exactly what was happening:[140] their letters show how they spotted terrible things from their luxury trains. Budyonny told Stalin from Sochi, where he was on holiday, “Looking at people from the windows of the train, I see very tired people in old worn clothes, our horses are skin and bone . . .” President Kalinin, Stalin’s anodyne “village elder,” sneered at the “political impostors” asking “contributions for ‘starving’ Ukraine. Only degraded disintegrating classes can produce such cynical elements.” Yet on 18 June 1932, Stalin admitted to Kaganovich what he called the “glaring absurdities” of “famine” in Ukraine.

The death toll of this “absurd” famine, which only occurred to raise money to build pig-iron smelters and tractors, was between four to five and as high as ten million dead, a tragedy unequalled in human history except by the Nazi and Maoist terrors. The peasants had always been the Bolshevik Enemy. Lenin himself had said: “The peasant must do a bit of starving.” Kopelev admitted “with the rest of my generation, I firmly believed the ends justified the means. I saw people dying from hunger.” “They deny responsibility for what happened later,” wrote Nadezhda Mandelstam, wife of the poet, in her classic memoir, Hope Abandoned. “But how can they? It was, after all, these people of the Twenties who demolished the old values and invented the formulas . . . to justify the unprecedented experiment: You can’t make an omelette without breaking eggs. Every new killing was excused on the grounds we were building a remarkable ‘new’ world.” The slaughter and famine strained the Party but its members barely winced: how did they tolerate death on such a vast scale?

“A revolution without firing squads,” Lenin is meant to have said, “is meaningless.” He spent his career praising the Terror of the French Revolution because his Bolshevism was a unique creed, “a social system based on blood-letting.” The Bolsheviks were atheists but they were hardly secular politicians in the conventional sense: they stooped to kill from the smugness of the highest moral eminence. Bolshevism may not have been a religion, but it was close enough. Stalin told Beria the Bolsheviks were “a sort of military-religious order.” When Dzerzhinsky, founder of the Cheka, died, Stalin called him “a devout knight of the proletariat.” Stalin’s “order of sword-bearers” resembled the Knights Templars, or even the theocracy of the Iranian Ayatollahs, more than any traditional secular movement. They would die and kill for their faith in the inevitable progress towards human betterment, making sacrifices of their own families, with a fervour seen only in the religious slaughters and martyrdoms of the Middle Ages—and the Middle East.

They regarded themselves as special “noble-blooded” people. When Stalin asked General Zhukov if the capital might fall in 1941, he said, “Can we hold Moscow, tell me as a Bolshevik?” just as an eighteenth-century Englishman might say, “Tell me as a gentleman!”

The “sword-bearers” had to believe with Messianic faith, in order to act with the correct ruthlessness, and to convince others they were right to do so. Stalin’s “quasi-Islamic” fanaticism was typical of the Bolshevik magnates: Mikoyan’s son called his father “a Bolshevik fanatic.” Most[141] came from devoutly religious backgrounds. They hated Judaeo-Christianity— but the orthodoxy of their parents was replaced by something even more rigid, a systematic amorality: “This religion—or science, as it was modestly called by its adepts—invests man with a godlike authority . . . In the Twenties, a good many people drew a parallel to the victory of Christianity and thought this new religion would last a thousand years,” wrote Nadezhda Mandelstam. “All were agreed on the superiority of the new creed that promised heaven on earth instead of other worldly rewards.”

The Party justified its “dictatorship” through purity of faith. Their Scriptures were the teachings of Marxism-Leninism, regarded as a “scientific” truth. Since ideology was so important, every leader had to be—or seem to be—an expert on Marxism-Leninism, so that these ruffians spent their weary nights studying, to improve their esoteric credentials, dreary articles on dialectical materialism. It was so important that Molotov and Polina even discussed Marxism in their love letters: “Polichka my darling . . . reading Marxist classics is very necessary . . . You must read some more of Lenin’s works coming out soon and then a number of Stalin’s . . . I so want to see you.”

“Party-mindedness” was “an almost mystical concept,” explained Kopelev. “The indispensable prerequisites were iron discipline and faithful observance of all the rituals of Party life.” As one veteran Communist put it, a Bolshevik was not someone who believed merely in Marxism but “someone who had absolute faith in the Party no matter what . . . A person with the ability to adapt his morality and conscience in such a way that he can unreservedly accept the dogma that the Party is never wrong—even though it’s wrong all the time.” Stalin did not exaggerate when he boasted: “We Bolsheviks are people of a special cut.”[142]

Nadya was not of “a special cut.” The famine fed the tensions in Stalin’s marriage. When little Kira Alliluyeva visited her uncle Redens, GPU chief in Kharkov, she opened the blinds of her special train and saw, to her amazement, starving people with swollen bellies, begging to the train for food, and starving dogs running alongside. Kira told her mother, Zhenya, who fearlessly informed Stalin.

“Don’t pay any attention,” he replied. “She’s a child and makes things up.”[143] In the last year of Stalin’s marriage, we find fragments of both happiness and misery. In February 1932, it was Svetlana’s birthday: she starred in a play for her parents and the Politburo. The two boys, Vasya and Artyom, recited verses.[144]

“Things here seem to be all right, we’re all very well. The children are growing up, Vasya is ten now and Svetlana five . . . She and her father are great friends . . .” Nadya wrote to Stalin’s mother Keke in Tiflis. It was hardly an occasion to confide great secrets but the tone is interesting. “Altogether we have terribly little free time, Joseph and I. You’ve probably heard that I’ve gone back to school in my old age. I don’t find studying difficult in itself. But it’s pretty difficult trying to fit it in with my duties at home in the course of the day. Still, I’m not complaining and so far, I’m coping with it all quite successfully . . .” She was finding it hard to cope.

Stalin’s own nerves were strained to the limit but he remained jealous of her: he felt old friends Yenukidze and Bukharin were undermining him with Nadya. Bukharin visited Zubalovo, strolling the gardens with her. Stalin was working but returned and crept up on them in the garden, leaping out to shout at Bukharin: “I’ll kill you!” Bukharin naïvely regarded this as an Asiatic joke.

When Bukharin married a teenage beauty, Anna Larina, another child of a Bolshevik family, Stalin tipsily telephoned him during the night: “Nikolai, I congratulate you. You outspit me this time too!” Bukharin asked how. “A good wife, a beautiful wife . . . younger than my Nadya!”[145]

At home, Stalin alternated between absentee bully and hectored husband. Nadya had in the past snitched on dissenters at the Academy: in these last months, it is hard to tell if she was denouncing Enemies or riling Stalin who ordered their arrest. There is the story of this “peppery woman” shouting at him: “You’re a tormentor, that’s what you are! You torment your own son, your wife, the whole Russian people.” When Stalin discussed the importance of the Party above family, Yenukidze replied: “What about your children?” Stalin shouted, “They’re HERS!” pointing at Nadya, who ran out crying.

Nadya was becoming ever more hysterical, or as Molotov put it, “unbalanced.” Sergo’s daughter Eteri, who had every reason to hate Stalin, explains, “Stalin didn’t treat her well but she, like all the Alliluyevs, was very unstable.” She seemed to become estranged from the children and everything else. Stalin confided in Khrushchev that he sometimes locked himself in the bathroom, while she beat on the door, shouting: “You’re an impossible man. It’s impossible to live with you!”

This image of Stalin as the powerless henpecked husband besieged, cowering in his own bathroom by the wild-eyed Nadya, must rank as the most incongruous vision of the Man of Steel in his entire career. Himself frantic, with his mission in jeopardy, Stalin was baffled by Nadya’s mania. She told a friend that “everything bored her—she was sick of everything.”

“What about the children?” asked the friend.

“Everything, even the children.” This gives some idea of the difficulties Stalin faced. Nadya’s state of mind sounds more like a psychological illness than despair caused by political protest or even her oafish husband. “She had attacks of melancholy,” Zhenya told Stalin; she was “sick.” The doctors prescribed “caffeine” to pep her up. Stalin later blamed the caffeine and he was right: caffeine would have disastrously exacerbated her despair.[146]

Stalin became hysterical himself, feeling the vast Ukrainian steppes slipping out of his control: “It seems that in some regions of Ukraine, Soviet power has ceased to exist,” Stalin scribbled to Kosior, Politburo member and Ukrainian boss. “Is this true? Is the situation so bad in Ukrainian villages? What’s the GPU doing? Maybe you’ll check this problem and take measures.”[147] The magnates again roamed the heartland to raise grain, more ferocious semi-military expeditions with OGPU troops and Party officials wearing pistols—Molotov headed to the Urals, the Lower Volga and Siberia. While he was there, the wheels of his car became stuck in a muddy rut and the car rolled over into a ditch. No one was hurt but Molotov claimed, “An attempt was made on my life.”[148]

Stalin sensed the doubts of the local bosses, making him more aware than ever that he needed a new, tougher breed of lieutenant like Beria whom he promoted to rule the Caucasus. Summoning the Georgian bosses to Moscow, Stalin turned viciously against the Old Bolshevik “chieftains”: “I’ve got the impression that there’s no Party organization in Transcaucasia at all. There’s just the rule of chieftains—voting for whomsoever they drink wine with . . . It’s a total joke . . . We need to promote men who work honestly . . . Whenever we send anyone down there, they become chieftains too!” He was playing to the gallery. Everyone laughed, but then he turned serious: “We’ll smash all their bones if this rule of chieftains isn’t liquidated . . .”

Sergo was away.

“Where is he?” whispered one of the officials to Mikoyan who answered: “Why should Sergo participate in Beria’s coronation? He knows him well enough.”

There was open opposition to the promotion of Beria: the local chiefs had almost managed to have him removed to a provincial backwater but Stalin had saved him. Then Stalin defined the essence of Beria’s career: “He solves problems while the Buro just pushes paper!”[149]

“It’s not going to work, Comrade Stalin. We can’t work together,” replied one Georgian.

“I can’t work with that charlatan!” said another.

“We’ll settle this question the routine way,” Stalin angrily ended the meeting, appointing Beria Georgian First Secretary and Second Secretary of Transcaucasia over their heads. Beria had arrived.[150]

In Ukraine, Fred Beal wandered through villages where no one was left alive and found heartbreaking messages scrawled beside the bodies: “God bless those who enter here, may they never suffer as we have,” wrote one. Another read: “My son. We couldn’t wait. God be with you.”

Kaganovich, patrolling the Ukraine, was unmoved. He was more outraged by the sissy leaders there: “Hello dear Valerian,” he wrote warmly to Kuibyshev, “We’re working a lot on the question of grain preparation . . . We had to criticize the regions a lot, especially Ukraine. Their mood, particularly that of Chubar, is very bad . . . I reprimanded the regions.” But in the midst of this wasteland of death, Kaganovich was not going to spoil anyone’s holidays: “How are you feeling? Where are you planning to go for vacation? Don’t think I’m going to call you back before finishing your holidays . . .”[151]

After a final meeting with Kaganovich and Sergo in his office on 29 May 1932, Stalin and Nadya left for Sochi. Lakoba and Beria visited them but the latter now had his access to Stalin. He ditched his patron, Lakoba, who muttered in Beria’s hearing, “What a vile person.”[152]

We do not know how Stalin and Nadya got on during this holiday but, day by day, the pressure ratcheted up. Stalin governed a country on the edge of rebellion by correspondence, receiving the bad news in heaps of GPU reports—and the doubts of his friends.[153] While Kaganovich suppressed the rebellious textile workers of Ivanovo, Voroshilov was unhappy and sent Stalin a remarkable letter: “Across the Stavropol region, I saw all the fields uncultivated. We were expecting a good harvest but didn’t get it . . . Across the Ukraine from my train window, the truth is it looks even less cultivated than the North Caucasus . . .” Voroshilov finished his note: “Sorry to tell you such things during your holiday but I can’t be silent.”[154]

Stalin later told Churchill this was the most difficult time of his life, harder even than Hitler’s invasion: “it was a terrible struggle” in which he had to destroy “ten million [kulaks]. It was fearful. Four years it lasted. It was absolutely necessary . . . It was no use arguing with them. A certain number of them had been resettled in the northern parts of the country. . . Others had been slaughtered by the peasants themselves—such had been the hatred for them.”[155]

The peasants understandably attacked Communist officials. Sitting on the terrace of the Sochi dacha in the baking heat, an angry, defensive Stalin seethed about the breakdown of discipline and betrayal in the Party. At times like this, he seemed to retreat into a closed melodramatic fortress surrounded by enemies. On 14 July, he put pen to paper ordering Molotov and Kaganovich in Moscow to create a draconian law to shoot hungry peasants who stole even husks of grain. They drew up the notorious decree against “misappropriation of socialist property” with grievous punishments “based on the text of your letter.”[156] On 7 August, this became law. Stalin was now in a state of nervous panic, writing to Kaganovich: “If we don’t make an effort now to improve the situation in Ukraine, we may lose Ukraine.” Stalin blamed the weakness and naïvety of his brother-in-law, Redens, Ukrainian GPU chief, and the local boss Kosior. The place “was riddled with Polish agents,” who “are many times stronger than Redens or Kosior think.” He had Redens replaced with someone tougher.

Nadya returned early to Moscow, perhaps to study, perhaps because the tension in Sochi was unbearable. Her headaches and abdominal pains worsened. This in turn can only have added to Stalin’s anxieties but his nerves were so much stronger. Her letters do not survive: perhaps he destroyed them, perhaps she did not write any, but we know she had been influenced against the campaign: “she was easily swayed by Bukharin and Yenukidze.”

Voroshilov crossed Stalin, suggesting that his policies could have been resisted by a concerted effort of the Politburo. When a Ukrainian comrade named Korneiev shot a (possibly starving) thief and was arrested, Stalin thought he should not be punished. But Voroshilov, an unlikely moral champion, looked into the case, discovered the victim was a teenager and wrote to Stalin to support Korneiev’s sentence, even if he only served a short jail term. The day he received Klim’s letter, 15 August, Stalin angrily overruled Voroshilov, freed Korneiev, and promoted him.[157]

Six days after Voroshilov’s stand, on 21 August, Riutin, who earlier had been arrested for criticizing Stalin, met with some comrades to agree on their “Appeal to All Party Members,” a devastating manifesto for his deposition. Within days, Riutin had been denounced to the GPU. Riutin’s opposition, so soon after the Syrtsov–Lominadze affair and Voroshilov’s waverings, rattled Stalin. On 27 August, he was back in the Kremlin meeting Kaganovich. Perhaps he also returned to join Nadya.[158]

Whatever the ghastly situation in the country, her health alone would have been enough to undermine the morale of a strong person. She was terribly ill, suffering “acute pains in the abdominal region” with the doctor adding on her notes: “Return for further examination.” This was caused not just by psychosomatic tension due to the crisis but also by the after-math of the 1926 abortion.

On 31 August, Nadya was examined again: did Stalin accompany her to the Kremlevka clinic? He had only two appointments, at 4 p.m. and 9 p.m., as if his day had been deliberately left open. The doctors noted: “Examination to consider operation in 3–4 weeks’ time.” Was this for her abdomen or her head? Yet they did not operate.[159]

On 30 September, Riutin was arrested. It is possible that Stalin, supported by Kaganovich, demanded the death penalty for Riutin but the execution of a comrade—a fellow “sword-bearer”—was a dangerous step, resisted by Sergo and Kirov. There is no evidence that it was ever formally discussed—Kirov did not attend Politburo sessions in late September and October. Besides, Stalin would not have proposed such a measure without first canvassing Sergo and Kirov, just as he had in the case of Tukhachevsky in 1930. He probably never proposed it specifically. On 11 October, Riutin was sentenced to ten years in the camps.

Riutin’s “Platform” touched Stalin’s home. According to the bodyguard Vlasik, Nadya procured a copy of the Riutin document from her friends at the Academy and showed it to Stalin. This does not mean she joined the opposition but it sounds aggressive, though she might also have been trying to be helpful. Later it was found in her room. In the fifties, Stalin admitted that he had not paid her enough attention during those final months: “There was so much pressure on me . . . so many Enemies. We had to work day and night...”[160] Perhaps literary matters proved a welcome distraction.

 

 

7.   Stalin the Intellectual

On 26 October 1932, a chosen élite of fifty writers were mysteriously invited to the art deco mansion of Russia’s greatest living novelist, Maxim Gorky.[161] The tall, haggard writer with the grizzled moustache, now sixty-four, met the guests on the stairway. The dining room was filled with tables covered in smart white cloths. They waited in excited anticipation. Then Stalin arrived with Molotov, Voroshilov and Kaganovich. The Party took literature so seriously that the magnates personally edited the work of prominent writers. After some small talk, Stalin and his comrades sat down at the end table near Gorky himself. Stalin stopped smiling and started to talk about the creation of a new literature.

It was a momentous occasion: Stalin and Gorky were the two most famous men in Russia, their relationship a barometer of Soviet literature itself. Ever since the late twenties, Gorky had been so close to Stalin that he had holidayed with Stalin and Nadya.[162] Born Maxim Peshkov in 1868, he had used his own bitter (hence his nom de plume, Gorky) experiences as an orphaned street Arab, who had survived “vile abominations” living on scraps among outcasts in peasant villages, to write masterpieces that inspired the Revolution. But in 1921, disillusioned with Lenin’s dictatorship, he went into exile in a villa in Sorrento, Italy. Stalin put out feelers to lure him back. Meanwhile Stalin had placed Soviet literature under RAPP (the Russian Association of Proletarian Writers), “the literary wing of Stalin’s Five-Year Plan for industry,” which harassed and attacked any writers who did not depict the Great Turn with ecstatic enthusiasm. Gorky and Stalin began a complex pas de deux in which vanity, money and power played their role in encouraging the writer to return. Gorky’s experience of the savage backwardness of the peasantry made him support Stalin’s war on the villages but he found the standard of RAPP literature to be dire. By 1930, Gorky’s life was already oiled with generous gifts from the GPU.[163]

Stalin concentrated his feline charms on Gorky.[164] In 1931, he returned to become Stalin’s literary ornament, granted a large allowance as well as the millions he made from his books. He lived in the mansion in Moscow that had belonged to the tycoon Ryabushinsky, a large dacha outside the capital and a palatial villa in the Crimea along with numerous staff, all GPU agents. Gorky’s houses became the headquarters of the intelligentsia where he helped brilliant young writers like Isaac Babel and Vasily Grossman.

The magnates embraced Gorky as their own literary celebrity while the Chekist Yagoda took over the details of running Gorky’s household, spending more and more time there himself. Stalin took his children to see Gorky where they played with his grandchildren; Mikoyan brought his sons to play with Gorky’s pet monkey. Voroshilov came for sing-songs. Gorky’s granddaugher Martha played with Babel one day; Yagoda the next.

Stalin liked him: “Gorky was here,” he wrote to Voroshilov in an undated note. “We talked about things. A good, clever, friendly person. He’s fond of our policy. He understands everything . . . In politics he’s with us against the Right.” But he was also aware of Gorky as an asset who could be bought. In 1932, Stalin ordered the celebration of Gorky’s forty literary years. His home town, Nizhny Novgorod, was renamed after him. So was Moscow’s main street, Tverskaya. When Stalin named the Moscow Art Theatre after the writer, the literary bureaucrat Ivan Gronsky retorted: “But Comrade Stalin, the Moscow Art Theatre is really more associated with Chekhov.”

“That doesn’t matter. Gorky’s a vain man. We must bind him with cables to the Party,” replied Stalin.[165] It worked: during the kulak liquidation, Gorky unleashed his hatred of the backward peasants in Pravda: “If the enemy does not surrender, he must be exterminated.” He toured concentration camps and admired their re-educational value. He supported slave labour projects such as the Belomor Canal which he visited with Yagoda, whom he congratulated: “You rough fellows do not realize what great work you’re doing!”[166]

Yagoda, the dominant secret policeman, followed in Stalin’s wake. “The first generation of young Chekists . . . was distinguished by its sophisticated tastes and weakness for literature,” wrote Nadezhda Mandelstam. “The Chekists were the avant-garde of the New People.” The grand seigneurof this avant-garde was Yagoda, thirty-nine, who now fell in love with Gorky’s daughter-in-law, Timosha; she was “young, very beautiful, merry, simple, delightful” and married to Max Peshkov.

Son of a jeweller, trained as a statistician and learning pharmacy as a chemist’s assistant, Genrikh Yagoda (his real first name was Enoch), who had joined the Party in 1907, was also from Nizhny Novgorod, which gave him his calling card. “Superior to” the creatures that followed him, according to Anna Larina, Yagoda became “a corrupt . . . careerist,” but he was never Stalin’s man. He had been closer to the Rightists but swapped sides in 1929. His great achievement, supported by Stalin, was the creation by slave labour of the vast economic empire of the Gulags. Yagoda himself was devious, short and balding, always in full uniform, with a taste for French wines and sex toys: another green-fingered killer, he boasted that his huge dacha bloomed with “2000 orchids and roses,” while spending almost four million roubles decorating his residences.[167] He frequented Gorky’s houses, courting Timosha with bouquets of his orchids.[168] Gorky was appointed head of the Writers’ Union and advised Stalin to scrap the RAPP, which was abolished in April 1932, causing both delight and confusion among the intelligentsia, who eagerly hoped for some improvement. Then came this invitation.

Playing ominously with a pearl-handled penknife and now suddenly “stern,” with a “taste of iron” in his voice, Stalin proposed: “The artist ought to show life truthfully. And if he shows our life truthfully he cannot fail to show it moving to socialism. This is, and will be, Socialist Realism.” In other words, the writers had to describe what life should be, a panegyric to the Utopian future, not what life was. Then there was a touch of farce, as usual provided unconsciously by Voroshilov: “You produce the goods that we need,” said Stalin. “Even more than machines, tanks, aeroplanes, we need human souls.” But Voroshilov, ever the simpleton, took this literally and interrupted Stalin to object that tanks were also “very important.”

The writers, Stalin declared, were “engineers of human souls,” a striking phrase of boldness and crudity—and he jabbed a finger at those sitting closest to him.

“Me? Why me?” retorted the nearest writer. “I’m not arguing.”

“What’s the good of just not arguing?” interrupted Voroshilov again. “You have to get on with it.” By now, some of the writers were drunk on Gorky’s wine and the heady aroma of power. Stalin filled their glasses. Alexander Fadeev, the drunken novelist and most notorious of literary bureaucrats, asked Stalin’s favourite Cossack novelist, Mikhail Sholokhov, to sing. The writers clinked glasses with Stalin.

“Let’s drink to the health of Comrade Stalin,” called out the poet Lugovskoi. The novelist Nikoforov jumped up and said: “I’m fed up with this! We’ve drunk Stalin’s health one million one hundred and forty-seven thousand times. He’s probably fed up with it himself . . .”

There was silence. But Stalin shook Nikoforov’s hand: “Thank you, Nikoforov, thank you. I am fed up with it.”[169]

Nonetheless Stalin never tired of dealing with writers. Mandelstam was right when he mused that poetry was more respected in Russia, where “people are killed for it,” than anywhere else. Literature mattered greatly to Stalin. He may have demanded “engineers of the human soul” but he was himself far from the oafish philistine which his manners would suggest. He not only admired and appreciated great literature, he discerned the difference between hackery and genius. Ever since the seminary in the 1890s, he had read voraciously, claiming a rate of five hundred pages daily: in exile, when a fellow prisoner died, Stalin purloined his library and refused to share it with his outraged comrades. His hunger for literary knowledge was almost as driving as his Marxist faith and megalomania: one might say these were the ruling passions of his life. He did not possess literary talents himself but in terms of his reading alone, he was an intellectual, despite being the son of a cobbler and a washerwoman. Indeed, it would be no exaggeration to say that Stalin was the best-read ruler of Russia from Catherine the Great up to Vladimir Putin, even including Lenin who was no mean intellectual himself and had enjoyed the benefits of a nobleman’s education.

“He worked very hard to improve himself,” said Molotov. His library consisted of 20,000 well-used volumes. “If you want to know the people around you,” Stalin said, “find out what they read.” Svetlana found books there from the Life of Jesus to the novels of Galsworthy,[170] Wilde, Maupassant and later Steinbeck and Hemingway. His granddaughter later noticed him reading Gogol, Chekhov, Hugo, Thackeray and Balzac. In old age, he was still discovering Goethe. He “worshipped Zola.”

The Bolsheviks, who believed in the perfectibility of the New Man, were avid autodidacts, Stalin being the most accomplished and diligent of all. He read seriously, making notes, learning quotations, like an omnipotent student, leaving his revealing marginalia in books varying from Anatole France to Vipper’s History of Ancient Greece. He had “a very good knowledge of antiquity and mythology,” recalled Molotov. He could quote from the Bible, Chekhov and Good Soldier Svejk, as well as Napoleon, Bismarck and Talleyrand. His knowledge of Georgian literature was such that he debated arcane poetry with Shalva Nutsibidze, the philosopher, who said, long after Stalin was no longer a god, that his editorial comments were outstanding. He read literature aloud to his circle—usually Saltykov-Shchedrin or a new edition of the medieval Georgian epic poem by Rustaveli, The Knight in the Panther Skin. He adored The Last of the Mohicans, amazing a young translator whom he greeted in faux–Red Indian: “Big chief greets paleface!”

His deeply conservative tastes remained nineteenth century even during the Modernist blossoming of the twenties: he was always much happier with Pushkin and Tchaikovsky than with Akhmatova and Shostakovich. He respected intellectuals, his tone changing completely when dealing with a famous professor. “I’m very sorry that I’m unable to satisfy your request now, illustrious Nikolai Yakovlevich,” he wrote to the linguistics professor Marr. “After the conference, I’ll be able to give us 40–50 minutes if you’ll agree . . .”

Stalin could certainly appreciate genius, but as with love and family, his belief in Marxist progress was brutally paramount. He admired that “great psychologist” Dostoevsky but banned him because he was “bad for young people.” He enjoyed the satires of the Leningrad satirist Mikhail Zoshchenko so much, even though they mocked Soviet bureaucrats, he used to read extracts to his two boys, Vasily and Artyom, and would laugh at the end: “Here is where Comrade Zoshchenko remembered the GPU and changed the ending!”—a joke typical of his brutal cynicism crossed with dry gallows humour. He recognized that Mandelstam, Pasternak and Bulgakov were geniuses, but their work was suppressed. Yet he could tolerate whimsical maestros: Bulgakov and Pasternak were never arrested. But woe betide anyone, genius or hack, who insulted the person or policy of Stalin—for the two were synonymous.

His comments are most fascinating when he was dealing with a master like Bulgakov whose Civil War play, Days of the Turbins, based on his novel The White Guard, was Stalin’s favourite: he saw it fifteen times. When Bulgakov’s play Flight was attacked as “anti-Soviet and Rightist,” Stalin wrote to the theatre director: “It’s not good calling literature Right and Left. These are Party words. In literature, use class, anti-Soviet, revolutionary or anti-revolutionary but not Right or Left . . . If Bulgakov would add to the eight dreams, one or two where he would discover the international social content of the Civil War, the spectator would understand that the honest “Serafima” and the professor were thrown away from Russia, not by the caprice of Bolsheviks, but because they lived on the necks of the people. It’s easy to criticize Days of the Turbins—it’s easy to reject but it’s hardest to write good plays. The final impression of the play is good for Bolshevism.” When Bulgakov was not allowed to work, he appealed to Stalin who telephoned him to say, “We’ll try to do something for you.”

Stalin’s gift, apart from his catechismic rhythms of question and answer, was the ability to reduce complex problems to lucid simplicity, a talent that is invaluable in a politician. He could draft, usually in his own hand, a diplomatic telegram, speech or article straight off in the clearest, yet often subtle prose (as he showed during the war)—but he was also capable of clumsy crudity, though partly this reflected his self-conscious proletarian machismo.

Stalin was not just supreme censor; he relished his role as imperial editor-in-chief,[171]endlessly tinkering with other men’s prose, loving nothing more than scribbling the expression that covers the pages of his library—that mirthless chuckle: “Ha-ha-ha![172]

Stalin’s sneering did not help Nadya whose depression, stoked by caffeine and Stalin’s own stress, worsened. Yet there were also moments of touching tenderness: Nadya took an unaccustomed drink which made her sick. Stalin put her to bed and she looked up at him and said pathetically, “So you love me a little after all.” Years later, Stalin recounted this to his daughter.

At Zubalovo for the weekend, Nadya, who never gave Svetlana a word of praise, warned her to refuse if Stalin offered her wine: “Don’t take the alcohol!” If Nadya was taking Stalin’s small indulgence of his children as a grave sin, one can only imagine how desperately she felt about his brusqueness, never mind the tragedy of the peasants. During those last days, Nadya visited her brother Pavel and his wife Zhenya, who had just returned from Berlin, in their apartment in the House on the Embankment: “She said hello to me in the coldest way,” their daughter Kira noticed, but then Nadya was a stern woman. Nadya spent some evenings working on designs with Dora Khazan, whispering in the bedroom of the latter’s daughter, Natalya Andreyeva.

So we are left with a troubling picture of a husband and wife who alternated between loving kindness and vicious explosions of rage, parents who treated the children differently. Both were given to humiliating one another in public, yet Nadya still seemed to have loved “my man,” as she called him. It was a tense time but there was one difference between this highly strung, thin-skinned couple. Stalin was crushingly strong, as Nadya told his mother: “I can say that I marvel at his strength and his energy. Only a really healthy man could stand the amount of work he gets through.” She on the other hand was weak. If one was to break, it was she. His stunted emotional involvement allowed him to weather the hardest blows.

Kaganovich again headed out of his Moscow fiefdom to crush dissent in the Kuban, ordering mass reprisals against the Cossacks and deporting fifteen villages to Siberia. Kaganovich called this “the resistance of the last remnants of the dying classes leading to a concrete form of the class struggle.” The classes were dying all right. Kopelev saw “women and children with distended bellies, turning blue, still breathing but with vacant lifeless eyes. And corpses—corpses in ragged sheepskin coats and cheap felt boots; corpses in peasant huts, in the melting snow of old Vologda, under the bridges of Kharkov.” “Iron Lazar” arranged an array of executions of grain hoarders and was back in time for the fatal holiday dinner for the anniversary of the Revolution.

On 7 November, the potentates took the salute from atop Lenin’s newly completed grey marble Mausoleum. They gathered early in Stalin’s apartment in their greatcoats and hats for it was below freezing. Nadya was already taking her place in the parade as a delegate of the Academy. The housekeeper and nannies made sure Vasily and Artyom were dressed and ready; Svetlana was still at the dacha.

Just before 8 a.m., the leaders walked chatting out of the Poteshny Palace across the central square, past the Yellow Palace towards the steps that led up to the Mausoleum. It was bitterly cold up there; the parade lasted four hours.[173] Voroshilov and Budyonny waited on horseback at different Kremlin gates. As the Spassky Tower, Moscow’s equivalent of Big Ben, tolled, they trotted out to meet in the middle in front of the Mausoleum, then dismounted to join the leadership.

Many people saw Nadya that day. She did not seem either depressed or unhappy with Stalin. She marched past, raising her oval face towards the leaders. Afterwards she met up with Vasily and Artyom on the tribune to the right of the Mausoleum, and bumped into Khrushchev, whom she had introduced to Stalin. She looked up at her husband in his greatcoat, but like any wife, she worried that Stalin’s coat was open: “My man didn’t take his scarf. He’ll catch cold and get sick,” she said—but suddenly she was struck with one of her agonizing headaches. “She started moaning, ‘Oh my headache!’ ” remembers Artyom. After the parade, the boys requested the housekeeper to ask Nadya if they could spend the holiday at Zubalovo. It was easier to persuade the housekeeper than tackle the severe mother.

“Let them go to the dacha,” Nadya replied, adding cheerfully, “I’ll soon graduate from the Academy and then there’ll be a real holiday for everyone!” She winced. “Oh! My headache!” Stalin, Voroshilov and others were carousing in the little room behind the Mausoleum where there was always a buffet.

Next morning the boys were driven off to Zubalovo. Stalin worked as usual in his office, meeting Molotov, Kuibyshev and CC Secretary Pavel Postyshev. Yagoda showed them the transcripts of another anti-Stalin meeting of the Old Bolsheviks, Smirnov and Eismont, one of whom had said, “Don’t tell me there’s nobody in this whole country capable of removing him.” They ordered their arrest, then they walked over to the Voroshilovs’ for dinner. Nadya too was on her way there. She looked her best.[174]

Some time in the early hours, Nadya took the Mauser pistol that her brother Pavel had given her and lay on the bed in her room. Suicide was a Bolshevik death: she had attended the funeral of Adolf Yoffe, the Trotskyite who protested against Stalin’s defeat of the oppositions by shooting himself in 1929. In 1930, the Modernist poet Mayakovsky also made that supreme protest. She raised the pistol to her breast and pulled the trigger once. No one heard the voice of that tiny feminine weapon; Kremlin walls are thick. Her body rolled off the bed onto the floor.[175]


[1] This was not lost on another peasant boy who was born only a few hundred miles from Gori: Saddam Hussein. A Kurdish leader, Mahmoud Osman, who negotiated with him, observed that Saddam’s study and bedroom were filled with books on Stalin. Today, Stalin’s birthplace, the hut in Gori, is embraced magnificently by a white-pillared marble temple built by Lavrenti Beria and remains the centrepiece of Stalin Boulevard, close to the Stalin Museum.

[2] I am grateful to Gela Charkviani for sharing with me the unpublished but fascinating manuscript of the memoirs of his father, Candide Charkviani, First Secretary of the Georgian Party, 1938–1951. In old age, Stalin spent hours telling Charkviani about his childhood. Charkviani writes that he tried to find Beso’s grave in the Tiflis cemetery but could not. He found photographs meant to show Beso and asked Stalin to identify him, but Stalin stated that these did not show his father. It is therefore unlikely that the usual photograph said to show Beso is correct. On Stalin’s paternity, the Egnatashvili family emphatically deny that the innkeeper was Stalin’s father.

[3] Real birthday: RGASPI 558.4.2.2. Poetry: RGASPI 558.4.600. The account of Stalin’s youth and rise in this chapter is essentially based on Robert Tucker’s excellent Stalin as Revolutionary, as well as Robert Conquest’s Stalin: Breaker of Nations; Radzinsky; Volkogonov, Stalin: Triumph and Tragedy (henceforth Volkogonov); Edward Ellis Smith, Young Stalin; the memoirs of Sergei Alliluyev and Anna Alliluyeva, published as The Alliluyev Memoirs, ed. David Tutaev, and in Russian, S. Alliluyev, Proidennyi put; and the unpublished memoirs of Candide Charkviani to whom Stalin spoke about his childhood and youth. On Keke: Sergo B, pp. 20–1. On Beso and the priest, Keke throwing out Beso and Beso’s visit to the seminary and friendship with the Egnatashvili family, including Vaso and Lieut.-Gen. Alexander Egnatashvili, “my five-rouble scholarship” plus five roubles a month for singing,” sent mother money, atheist in first year, death of father, did not like to discuss childhood: Candide Charkviani, pp. 1–7, the seminary, pp. 9–10. On Egnatashvili as godfather, not father, Stalin’s closeness to family: interview with Tina Egnatashvili. Stalin on normal people in history: David Holloway, Stalin and the Bomb, p. 264. Stalin was discussing the suicide of U.S. Defence Secretary Forrestal. Greasy shirt: Radzinsky, p. 47. Death of father: Miklos Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 17.

 

[4] Teeth, exile, 1902–3 spent in Batumi and Kutaisi jails; he sees an amputation: “I can still hear the scream,” Stalin in Charkviani, pp. 20–5. Tucker, Revolutionary, pp. 134, 156–7; number of seven exiles, six escapes, pp. 94–5, based on Stalin’s official biography, though he may have exaggerated the numbers. Roman Brackman, The Secret File of Joseph Stalin, is useful for the atmosphere of the underground.

[5] S. Alliluyev, Proidennyi put, p. 182. “Soft spot for Stalin”; Olga “hurled herself into affairs” and “weakness for southern men,” Poles, Turks etc.: Svetlana, Twenty Letters, pp. 49–58. Stalin on Alliluyev women wanting to sleep with him: see Sergo B, p. 150. Vasilieva, Kremlin Wives, p. 55.

 

[6] The son Konstantin Kuzakov enjoyed few privileges except that it is said that during the Purges, when he came under suspicion, he appealed to his real father who wrote “Not to be touched” on his file—but that may be simply because he was the son of a woman who was kind to Stalin in exile. In 1995, after a successful career as a television executive, Kuzakov, in an article headed “Son of Stalin,” announced: “I was still a child when I learned I was Stalin’s son.” There was almost certainly another child from a later exile.

[7] Role in Kartli 1905–7; heists: Stalin’s own memories: Charkviani, pp. 12–14; A. S. Alliluyeva, Vospominaniya, pp. 187–90; Tucker, p. 158; Argumenty i fakty, Sept. 1995; Radzinsky, p. 67; Svetlana OOY , p. 381. Pelageya Onufrieva/Oddball Osip: RGASPI 558.2.75 and 558.4.647. The full story is best told by Miklos Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait , pp. 116–8.

 

[8] Zubok, p. 80. Interview V. Nikonov, May 2001. Interview Natalya Poskrebyshev. Stalin and Stal: MR, p. 164. Kaganovich, p. 160.

 

[9] The recent Secret File of Stalin by Roman Brackman claims the entire Terror was Stalin’s attempt to wipe out anyone with knowledge of his duplicity. Yet there were many reasons for the Terror, though Stalin’s character was a major cause. Stalin liquidated many of those who had known him in the early days, yet he mysteriously preserved others. He also killed over a million victims who had no knowledge of his early life. However, Brackman also gives an excellent account of the intrigues and betrayals of underground life.

[10] Police record, 1913: RGASPI 558.4.214. A. S. Alliluyeva, Vospominaniya, pp. 187–90; Tucker, Revolutionary, pp. 150–8; Argumenty i Fakty, Sept. 1995; Radzinsky, p. 67; Svetlana OOY, p. 381. Stalin on Lenin and nationalities in Cracow, 1912–13: Charkviani, pp. 25–7; hunting and freezing in Arctic, p. 22.

 

[11] A. S. Alliluyeva, Vospominaniya, pp. 183–90. MR, p. 93. Tucker, Revolutionary, pp. 150–7, 165. Service, Lenin, pp. 253–83. Vasilieva, Kremlin Wives, p. 55. Reading to sons: Artyom Sergeev.

 

[12] MR, pp. 96–7. N. N. Sukhanov, The Russian Revolution 1917, p. 230. Radzinsky, pp. 115–7.

 

[13] Stalin later seemed to confirm the story of the sinking barge in a fascinating letter to Voroshilov: “The summer after the assassination attempt on Lenin we . . . made a list of officers whom we gathered in the Manege . . . to shoot en masse . . . So the Tsaritsyn barge was the result not of the struggle against military specialists but momentum from the centre . . .” Five future Second World War marshals fought at Tsaritsyn: in ascending competence—Kulik, Voroshilov, Budyonny, Timoshenko and Zhukov (though the latter fought there in 1919 after Stalin’s departure).

[14] This account of Tsaritsyn is based on Tucker, Revolutionary, pp. 190–7, and Conquest, Breaker of Nations, including “no man, no problem”/barge, pp. 76–83. On the barge: RGASPI 74.2.38.130, Stalin to Voroshilov n.d. Stalin, Voroshilov and Sergo comment on Trotsky version of Tsaritsyn, “operetta commander” in RGASPI 74.2.37.60, Voroshilov and Stalin to Molotov Kaganovich and Ordzhonikidze 9 June 1933. K. E. Voroshilov, Stalin and the Armed Forces of the USSR, pp. 18–19. Stalin, Sochineniya IV, pp. 118–21, 420. Tucker, Revolutionary, 190–7. Roy Medvedev, Let History Judge (henceforth Medvedev), p. 13. Svetlana RR. Vasilieva, Kremlin Wives, pp. 60–1, 78–9, 90. O. Khlevniuk, In Stalin’s Shadow: The Career of Sergo Ordzhonikidze (henceforth Ordzhonikidze), pp. 7–16.

 

[15] Mikoyan, ch. 4–7. Tucker, Revolutionary, pp. 202–5.

 

[16] Stalin was never the titular Head of State of the Soviet Union, nor was Lenin. Kalinin’s title was the Chairman of the Central Executive Committee, technically the highest legislative body, but he was colloquially the “President.” After the 1936 Constitution, his title was Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. Only with the Brezhnev Constitution did the Secretary-General of the Party add the Presidency to his titles. The Bolsheviks coined a new jargon of acronyms in their effort to create a new sort of government. People’s Commissars (Narodny Komissar ) were known as Narkoms. The government or Council (Soviet) of People’s Commissars was known as Sovnarkom.

[17] Stalin’s row with Lenin’s wife, Krupskaya, outraged Lenin’s bourgeois sentiments. But Stalin thought it was entirely consistent with Party culture: “Why should I stand on my hind legs for her? To sleep with Lenin does not mean you understand Marxism-Leninism. Just because she used the same toilet as Lenin...” This led to some classic Stalin jokes, in which he warned Krupskaya that if she did not obey, the Central Committee would appoint someone else as Lenin’s wife. That is a very Bolshevik concept. His disrespect for Krupskaya was probably not helped by her complaints about Lenin’s flirtations with his assistants, including Yelena Stasova, the one whom Stalin threatened to promote to “wife.”

[18] This brief account of 1920–29 is based on the following outstanding classic works: Robert Conquest’s Harvest of Sorrow, ch. 5; Robert Service, Lenin, pp. 421–94; Service, A History of 20th Century Russia, pp. 170–81; Robert Tucker’s second volume, Stalin in Power: The Revolution from Above, pp. 91–7, 139–43; Geoffrey Hosking’s History of the Soviet Union 1917–1991, pp. 159–70. Stalin’s account of 1928: Charkviani, p. 30; Gerald Easter, Reconstructing the State, p. 71. My account of the Party and its ideology is based on the best works on this subject: Sheila Fitzpatrick,Everyday Stalinism, pp. 14–21; Service, Lenin, pp. 142, 153–5, 377–8; Tucker, Power, p. 120; Zubok, pp. 3–8. J. Arch Getty and Oleg V. Naumov, The Road to Terror, Stalin and the Self-Destruction of the Bolsheviks 1932–9 (henceforth Getty), pp. 5–29.

 

[19] RGASPI 74.1.429.65–6, E. D. Voroshilova 21 June 1954. Svetlana, Twenty Letters, p. 35.

 

[20] RGASPI 74.2.37.46, Voroshilov to Stalin 6 June 1932. Knocking on door: Mikoyan, pp. 53–4; Natalya Andreyeva.

 

[21] RGASPI 55.11.1550.29, Nadya to Stalin 18 Oct. 1929. On Kirov: 558.11.1550.34, Nadya to Stalin 5 Sept. 1930, and 558.11.1550.53–8, Nadya to Stalin, autumn 1931. On Molotov’s interference: 558.11.1550.36–41, Nadya to Stalin 8, 12, 19 Sept. 1930; 558.11.1550.43–5, Stalin to Nadya 24 Sept. 1930. On Kaganovich: 558.11.1550. 46–9, Nadya to Stalin 30 Sept. 1930. On Zina Ordzhonikidze and Molotov visits: 558.11.1550.52, Stalin to Nadya 9 Sept. 1931.

 

[22]  “My bright love, my heart and happiness . . .” RGASPI 82.2.1592.1, Molotov to Polina 13 Aug. 1940. “Kiss you everywhere . . .” RGASPI 82.2.1592.4–6, Molotov to Polina 15 Aug. 1940. “How I would love to hold you in my hands, close to my heart . . . tied body and soul.” Molotov to Polina: RGASPI 82.2.1592.40–5, probably April 1945, New York. RGASPI 82.2.1592.19–20, Molotov to Polina 8 July 1946. Molotov’s career: Volkogonov, pp. 244–66. Zubok, pp. 80–4. “Once played the violin for money from drunken merchants” but created foreign policy with Stalin/“more than once raised his voice on my behalf or of others suffering from Stalin’s explosive wrath,” Khrushchev, Glasnost, pp. 75–7. Bazhanov, pp. 13–14. Journalist/great precision but a plodder: Oleg Troyanovsky in William Taubman, Sergei Khrushchev and Abbott Gleason, Nikita Khrushchev (henceforth Taubman), p. 211. Also interview Oleg Troyanovsky. Polina’s career: Roy Medvedev, All Stalin’s Men, pp. 97–128; Gennadi Kostyrchenko, Out of the Red Shadows: AntiSemitism in Stalin’s Russia, pp. 119–20; Khlevniuk, Circle , pp. 257–60. Polina’s haughtiness—“First Lady of the State” and she “first violin at home”: Mikoyan, pp. 298–9. Grandness with guards: Natalya Rykova. Tough but not a machine: Artyom Sergeev. Molotov: city dancer, N. S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers (henceforth KR), volume I, p. 310. Molotov’s irritation with his subordinates and rages: N. T. Fedorenko, “Zapiski diplomata: rabota s Molotovym,” Novaya Noveishaya Istorya, no. 4, 1991, pp. 81–2; Inez Cope Jeffery, Inside Russia: Life and Times of Zoya Zarubina (henceforth Zarubina), pp. 3–4; Sergo B, p. 48; Zubok, pp. 87–92. Unpleasantness: Oleg Troyanovsky. Fedorenko: Y. Chadaev quoted in Grigory Kumanev (ed.), Ryadom so Stalinym (henceforth Kumanev), p. 420. Stutters to Stalin: Berezhkov, History in the Making, p. 49. Punctilious: Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence, p. 31. Thirteen minutes’ sleep: Andrei Gromyko, Memoirs, p. 314. Partnership with Stalin and contradicts Stalin: Milovan Djilas, Conversations with Stalin (henceforth Djilas), pp. 67–72. Spite: Mikoyan in Kumanev (ed.): Molotov’s slowness, hardness and vanity, p. 67. Early career: Easter, pp. 71–5. Molotov: “I’m a man of the nineteenth century,” ninth out of ten children, played mandolin, MR, pp. viii–xiii. Rows with Stalin: MR, pp. 20, 92.

 

[23] Of course Kaganovich kept the moustache which remained fashionable. Even facial hair was then based on the leader cult: if a client wanted a goatee with beard and moustache, he would ask his barber for a “Kalinin” after the Politburo member. When Stalin ordered another leader, Bulganin, to chop off his beard, he compromised by keeping a “Kalinin” goatee.

 

[24] On the dinners: Mikoyan—“Political club.” Interview Yury A. Zhdanov: his father, Zhdanov and Stalin compared the dinners to “Symposia.” KR, pp. 70–1. Dinners: Mikoyan, pp. 352–7. Kaganovich, pp. 58, 81. Chess: Maya Kaganovich to Galina Udenkova, author interview. Polina, TeZhe perfume trust: Mikoyan, pp. 298–9. Kira Alliluyeva. Artyom Sergeev. Natalya Andreyeva.

 

[25] Stalin runs out of money: RGASPI 558.11.822, Stalin to A. B. Khalatov, Chairman of GIZ, 3 Jan. 1928. Nadya asks for money: RGASPI 558.11.1550.16–24; Nadya to Stalin 26 Sept. 1929. RGASPI 558.11.1550, Stalin to Nadya 25 Sept. 1929. Stalin checks she got it: RGASPI 558.11.1550.28. She did: RGASPI 558.11.1550.29, Nadya to Stalin 1 Oct. 1929.

 

[26] Stalin followed the same principle with his clothes: he refused to replace his meagre wardrobe of two or three much-darned tunics, old trousers and his favourite greatcoat and cap from the Civil War. He was not alone in this sartorial asceticism but he was aware that, like Frederick the Great whom he had studied, his deliberately modest old clothes only accentuated his natural authority. As for his boots, the cobbler’s son always took care to cultivate his martial air: he commissioned a special pair in Tsaritsyn in 1918 and later had them made in soft leather. When he got corns, he cut holes in the leather.

[27] Money: RGASPI 558.11.822, Stalin to Khalatov 3 Jan. 1928. KR I, p. 81. Always short of food. On Mikoyan/Polina: interviews with Stepan and Sergo Mikoyan. On Nadya and Dora Khazan on the trams: Natalya Andreyeva. On furniture: RGASPI 558.11.753.3, Stalin to Yaroslavsky and Kalinin 25 June 1925.

 

[28] Yet their self-conscious brutality coexisted with a rigid code of Party manners: Bolsheviks were meant to behave to one another like bourgeois gentlemen. Divorces were “frowned upon more severely than in the Catholic Church.” When Kaganovich wrote on the death sentence of

[29] His revealing thoughts on the kulaks on his scraps of paper include: “kulaks—deserters” then, even more suggestively: “villages and slaves.” One peasant revealed how kulaks were selected: “Just between the three of us, the poor peasants of the village get together in a meeting and decide: “So and so had six horses . . .” They notify the GPU and there you are: So-and-so gets five years.” Only novelists and poets are really capable of catching the brutish alienation of the villages: Andrei Platonov’s novel The Foundation Pit is the finest of these.

[30] RGASPI 558.11.27.16–18, Stalin on what is a kulak, a slave? 1928–9. RGASPI 558.11.765.48–58, Mikoyan to Stalin 23 Aug. 1929 on exhaustion and resistance. Lenin and kulaks: Lenin, Polnoye sobraniye sochinenii, vol. 37, p. 41, and vol. 50, pp. 137, 142–5. Molotov Commission 30 Jan. 1930: “On Measures to Liquidate Kulak Households in Regions of Total Collectivization,” RGAE 7486.37.78.4– 44 and 95–7, on statistics, all quoted in Yakovlev, pp. 91–8. Stalin on embracing Molotov: MR, p. 242. The account of collectivization is based on Tucker and Conquest. Tucker,Power, pp. 94–5, 129, 138–47, 172–6. Tucker quotes statistics on camps: 2 million prisoners, p. 173, those de-kulakized, p. 181; cattle slaughtered, p. 182, 5–7 million treated as kulaks in 1930 decree: Service, 20th Century Russia, p. 180. Conquest, Harvest of Sorrow, chs. 6 and 7. On Party culture: Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism, pp. 14–21. Service, Lenin, pp. 142, 153–5, 377–8, 458. Tucker, Power, p. 120. Zubok, pp. 3–8; Getty, pp. 5–30. N. K. Baibakov, Delo zhizni: zapiski neftyanika , p. 163. Beria quoted in Andrei Sakharov, Memoirs, p. 159. Plant trembles: Moisei Kaganovich in Service, 20th Century Russia, p. 243. Lev Kopelev, No Jail for Thought, p. 32. Sacredness of “comrade”—Julia Minc in Teresa Toranska, Oni(henceforth Oni), p. 16, total faith, Stefan Staszewski, pp. 128–37, inner need, Jakub Berman, p. 207. Molotov’s contempt for the Nazis and Western leaders; MR, p. 20, and quoted in Zubok, p. 26. Kirov—no theoretical works:MR, p. 221. Stalin on Mao: Zubok, p. 62. Stalin and Krupskaya: MR, p. 133. Stalin and A. S. Yakovlev quoted in Seweryn Bialer (ed.), Stalin and His Generals, p. 99. Lenin and the Terror: quote from Service, Lenin, p. 421. Praise for Stalin as Communist fighter: Rudzutak, 7–12 Jan. 1933, quoted in Getty, p. 93. Stalin and pity for friendships: Stalin to Molotov, 24 Aug. 1930, L. T. Lih, O. V. Naumov and O. V. Khlevniuk, Stalin’s Letters to Molotov (henceforth Molotov Letters), p. 206. Punching: Molotov Letters, Stalin to Molotov, 2 Sept. 1930, p. 210.

 

[31] RGASPI 73.2.44.14, Molotov to Andreyev 18 June 1929.

 

[32] RGASPI 73.2.44.9, Stalin to Andreyev, “Don’t be angry,” n.d., and RGASPI 73.2.44.13 Stalin to Andreyev, “I don’t think you do nothing,” 11 Mar. 1929. RGASPI 73.2.44.14, Stalin to Andreyev, “Break his back,” 18 May n.d. See also Easter, pp. 112–25.

[33] Mikoyan, p. 52. Soso: RGASPI 558.11.765.48–9, Mikoyan to Stalin on health of PB, 23 Aug. 1928. Mikoyan’s contempt for Molotov: Stepan Mikoyan, Memoirs of Military Test-flying and Life with the Kremlin’s Elite (henceforth Stepan M), p. 329. Molotov’s contempt for Kaganovich: MR, p. 228–79. Kaganovich rows with Molotov: Kaganovich, p. 61. Sergo and Kaganovich real friends: Kaganovich, p. 162, and in interview with Eteri Ordzhonikidze. Kaganovich excuses himself to Sergo: Khlevniuk, Ordzhonikidze, p. 94.

 

[34] Sergo B, pp. 134, 142–3, 148: anxious to see him again, expressive and mobile, supple, never improvised. Georgi Zhukov, Vospominaniya i razmyshleniya (henceforth Zhukov), 10th ed., 1, p. 273. Sudoplatov, p. 66. Lydia Dan, “Bukharin o Staline,” Noviye Zhurnal, 75, March 1964, p. 82. Artyom Sergeev. Supreme intelligence etc. of Beria quoted in Sergo B, p. 290.

[35] RGASPI 558.11.712.18, Stalin to A. M. Bolshakov 17 Oct. 1925. The Shakhty Case of 1928 had been put together by GPU official Yevdokimov, who holidayed and drank with Stalin at the time: Orlov, p. 28. RGASPI 558.11.773.1.2.3, D. P. Maliutin to Stalin 8 Aug. 1932.

[36] Rosliakov quoted in Amy Knight, Who Killed Kirov? The Kremlin’s Greatest Mystery (henceforth Kirov), p. 160.

[37] RGASPI 558.11.768.131; Molotov to Stalin 21 Dec. 1929.

[38] Pravda, 22 Dec. 1929.

 

[39] At the Bolshoi, Kozlovsky suddenly lost his voice during Rigoletto. The singer peered helplessly up towards Stalin’s Box A, pointing at his throat. Quick as a flash, Stalin silently pointed at the left side of his tunic near the pocket where medals are pinned and painted a medal. Kozlovsky’s voice returned. He got the medal.

[40] Jokes: Humour impish and rough: Djilas, pp. 62–4. Shitters: RGASPI 558.11.787.6, Stalin to Postyshev 9 Sept. 1931. Kozlovsky joke: Gromyko, Memoirs, p. 101; Ethiopian joke: Gromyko, p. 103. Kozlovsky’s medal, the old doorman: Rybin, Stalin i Zhukov, pp. 9–10. One-legged joke: Lesser Terror, p. 190. Dirty songs: Medvedev, p. 329. Church songs: Orlov, p. 322, and Galina Vishnevskaya, Galina (henceforth Galina), pp. 95–7. Bawdy rhymes: Kira Alliluyeva. Other jokes: Onegin and GPU—see section on the Terror: unpublished memoirs of Sergo Kavtaradze, p. 74, see also Sudoplatov, p. 151. For racial jokes: see section on Jews. Gallows humour: see later for Stalin to I. I. Nosenko: “Haven’t they arrested you yet?” in Sovershenno Sekretno, 3, November 2000, pp. 12–14.

[41] RGASPI 82.2.1420.118, Stalin to Bukharin and Molotov 27 June 1926.

[42] Mikoyan, p. 275. RGASPI 82.2.1420.150–1 and RGASPI 558.11.69.84, Stalin to Molotov 4 Sept. 1926 and 24 Aug. 1926.

[43] Sergo B pp. 15, 34. Bag of sweets: Oleg Troyanovsky. Also Oleg Troyanovsky, Cherez gody i rasstoyaniya, pp. 148, 156–64. Gives Ordzhonikidze his own flat: see Ordzhonikidze quote in Miklos Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 259.

[44] “Interesting numbers”: RGASPI 558.11.753.13, Stalin to Molotov on memo from Kalinin 11 Dec. 1935. Surely it is possible: Stalin to Kurchatov quoted in Holloway, p. 147. On Stalin checking houses: Galina Udenkova on Kaganoviches. Beria house: Sergo B, p. 34. Gadgetry: the Kirov Museum in Petersburg, Stepan M, pp. 52–3. Cars: Stepan M, p. 46. Pauker in Orlov, pp. 339–41. Artyom Sergeev. Eugenia Ginsburg, Journey into the Whirlwind, p. 37. Cars 19 Dec. 1947: D. Babichenko and M. Sidorov: “Nevelika Pobeda” in Itogi, no. 31 (269), 2001. On privileges, Party Maximum etc., the best work is Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism. On Budyonny’s sword: RGASPI 558.11.712.90– 7, Stalin to Budyonny 1920; he was a good patron to Budyonny: “I give you my word as a revolutionary, I’ll take care of your cavalry,” he wrote in 1920; “You can be sure you will be . . . chief of cavalry,” he wrote in 1923. RGASPI 558.11.822, Stalin to Khalatov, 3 Jan. 1928.

[45] Kirov, his Leningrad boss, lived in a huge apartment containing a dazzling array of the latest equipment. First there was a huge new American fridge—a General Electric—of which only ten were imported into the USSR. American gramophones were specially prized: there was a “radiola” on which Kirov could listen to the Mariinsky Ballet in his apartment; there was a “petiphone,” a wind-up gramophone without a speaker, and one with a speaker, plus a lamp radio. When the first television reached Moscow just before the war, the Mikoyans received the alien object that reflected the picture in a glass that stuck out at forty-five degrees. As for Budyonny, Stalin wrote: “I gave you the sword but it’s not a very beautiful one so I decided to send you a better one inscribed—it’s on its way!”

[46] Stalin on personal relationships: Stalin, Sochineniya, vol. 12, p. 1. Kirov and wives quoted in Volkogonov, p. 205. Families: Kirov’s sisters, Kirov, p. 162. Stalin on family: Irina Yenukidze interviewed on TV film, Stalin’s Secret History, pt. 3. For the intermarried world of Yagoda,who was married to the niece of Sverdlov, first Soviet Head of State, and Averbakh, Yagoda’s brother-in-law, see Vitaly Shentalinsky, The KGB’s Literary Archive (henceforth KGB Lit. Archive), pp. 256–69. Mikoyan’s young son escorted by Ordzhonikidze and Voroshilov and the Shaumians: Stepan Mikoyan, p. 28, p. 25. Artyom Sergeev. Kaganovich and brother: Party Father, Kaganovich, p. 29. Molotov on arrest of brothers: MR, p. 114. Party orphaned by death of Lenin: Jeffrey Brooks, Thank You Comrade Stalin, p. 24. Creation of new Lenin widow: KR I, p. 74.

[47] For example, Kamenev’s wife was Trotsky’s sister; Yagoda was married into the Sverdlov family; Poskrebyshev, Stalin’s secretary, was married to the sister of Trotsky’s daughter-in-law. Two top Stalinists, Shcherbakov and Zhdanov, were brothers-in-law. Later the children of the Politburo would intermarry.

[48] Tucker, pp. 172–4, 185. Mikhail Sholokhov, Virgin Soil Upturned, pp. 240–3, 247.

[49] In Sholokhov’s novel Virgin Soil Upturned, the Cossacks call off their revolt when they read it. But they also withdraw from the collective farm.

[50] RGASPI 558.11.69.36, Stalin to Molotov 3 June 1927: “the closest friends”; RGASPI 558.11.69.43, Tovstukha to Stalin 9 June 1926: “the tightest circle of your friends,” both quoted by Pavel Chinsky, Staline Archives Inedites, pp. 125–6. “Friends”: Khlevniuk, Circle, p. 94. “Formed in the struggle”: RGASPI 54.1.100.101–2, Stalin to Kaganovich 2 Aug. 1932.

[51] In 1931 this was altered to meetings on the 1st, 8th, 16th and 23rd of each month at 4 p.m. Two of these were “closed” meetings. Khlevniuk, Circle, p. 77.

[52] Mikoyan, pp. 335, 367.

[53] Voroshilovs: “Hi friend!” RGASPI 74.2.38.4, Stalin to Voroshilov 27 July 1921. “Pity you’re not in Moscow”: RGASPI 74.2.38.55, Stalin to Voroshilov 27 Oct. 1931. Stalin’s view of Voroshilov: “He even does exercises”—Kira Alliluyeva. Charm, vanity, stupidity: Sergo B, pp. 39–40, 51, 141, 165. Description in Albert Seaton, Stalin as Military Commander, p. 155. Kindness: Zarubina, p. 7. Drinking: Artyom Sergeev. Stepan Mikoyan. Viscount Alanbrooke, War Diaries, p. 217; Stepan M, p. 52. Stalin’s distrust of good living: MR, p. 225. Courage but simplicity: Djilas, p. 55. Marapultsa condemned rightly: RGASPI 558.11.773.47, Voroshilov to Stalin 14 Oct. 1930. Consider the destruction of Minin: RGASPI 74.2.37.89, Voroshilov to Stalin 25 May 1935. See Voroshilov letters to Bubnov, RGASPI 74.2.40.66–99. His temper: RGASPI 85.1.110.1–20, Voroshilov to Ordzhonikidze. His court painters: KR II, p. 74. Notorious stupidity: Bazhanov, pp. 98–9. Early clashes with Stalin: Kirov, p. 104. Career: Volkogonov, pp. 251–3. William J. Spahr, Stalin’s Lieutenants, pp. 19–33. Voroshilov, Razkazzy o zhizni, pp. 79–84, 247–8. Medvedev, All Stalin’s Men, pp. 1–11. “Loved splendour” and wore white flannels: Svetlana OOY, p. 346–7.

[54] “You know Marapultsa,” Voroshilov wrote to Stalin in October 1930. “He was condemned for five years . . . I think you agree with me that he was condemned rightly.” On another occasion, Voroshilov appealed to Stalin for a “semi-lunatic” he had known since 1911 who was in jail. “What do I want you to do? Almost nothing . . . but for you to consider for one minute the destruction of Minin and decide what to do with him . . .”

[55] RGASPI 558.11.27.9–10, Voroshilov, Stalin, Kalinin, n.d.

[56] RGASPI 74.2.38.39, Stalin to Voroshilov 14 March 1929.

[57] RGASPI 74.2.38.39, Stalin to Voroshilov 14 March 1929.

[58] RGASPI 74.2.39.447, Voroshilov to Stalin and reply, n.d.

[59] Robbing you: RGASPI 74.2.38.127, Stalin to Voroshilov, n.d. Disorganization: RGASPI 74.2.38.103, n.d., Stalin to Chubar, Voroshilov, Mikoyan. England and India: RGASPI 74.2.39.38, n.d. Stalin and Voroshilov. Fish: RGASPI 74.2.39.54, Voroshilov to Stalin and reply, n.d.

[60] RGASPI 79.1.760, Voroshilov to Kuibyshev. RGASPI 74.2.39.15, Stalin, Voroshilov, Molotov, Ordzhonikidze 30 April 1933.

 

[61] Put it off until Wednesday: RGASPI 74.2.38.21, Stalin to Voroshilov, Feb. 1927. Military matters: RGASPI 74.2.38.37, Stalin to Voroshilov 3 Jan. 1929. Out of town: RGASPI 74.2.39.49, Stalin and Voroshilov, n.d.

 

[62] They frequently disagreed with him, certainly on small matters such as a discussion about the Kremlin military school: “Seems that after the objections of Comrade Kalinin and others (I know other Politburo members object too), we can forgive them because it’s not an important question,” Stalin wrote to Voroshilov. Having defeated Bukharin in 1929, Stalin wanted to appoint him Education Commissar but as Voroshilov told Sergo in a letter, “Because we were a united majority, we pushed it through (against Koba).”

[63] RGASPI 85.1.110.1–20, Voroshilov to Ordzhonikidze 8 June 1929. Khlevniuk, Circle, p. 32. Stalin outvoted: RGASPI 74.2.38.74, Stalin to Voroshilov 26 June 1932.

[64] RGASPI 558.11.27.22, Stalin and Kalinin 7 May 1929.

[65] Doing nothing and lacking “vigilance” was an equally sacred sin in Stalin’s eyes: he called it “thoughtlessness.”

[66] RGASPI 74.1.38.43, Stalin to Voroshilov 16 April 1929. Constant use of disease imagery: see nechist, unclean, in Molotov Letters , p. 215. “Holy fear” in Tucker, Power, pp. 484–5.

 

[67] RGASPI 558.11.1550.43–5, Stalin to Nadya 24 Sept. 1930.

[68] RGASPI 558.11.1550.16–24, Nadya to Stalin 26 Sept. 1929 and RGASPI 558.11.1550.27, Nadya to Stalin 27 Sept. 1929.

[69] Nechist means an unclean devil in peasant folklore.

[70] Molotov Letters, p. 215.

[71] Khlevniuk, Circle, pp. 38–9. Intimidation of experts: Service, 20th Century Russia, p. 175. Molotov Letters, p. 213.

 

[72] Khlevniuk, Circle, p. 43. Molotov Letters, 6 Aug. 1930, p. 200.

 

[73] RGASPI 558.11.27.30–33, Stalin to V. Mezhlauk 23 May 1930.

 

[74] Nadya’s medical reports: RGASPI 558.11.1551. Also: June/July 1930, Stalin to Nadya in Radzinsky, p. 274.

[75] Khlevniuk, Circle, pp. 46–8. Sergo backs Stalin: “We must finish with the Right as we did with Trotsky . . . They’re debauchees,” RGASPI 558.11.778.40, Sergo to Stalin 26 Sept. 1930.

[76] RGASPI 74.2.37.60 and 74.2.38.56, Voroshilov correspondence; Stalin’s view of Tukhachevsky’s plans: RGASPI 74.2.38.59, Stalin to Voroshilov.

[77] On Tukhachevsky plot: RGASPI 558.11.778.43, Stalin to Ordzhonikidze 24 Sept. 1930. “Only three of us know” in Khlevniuk, Circle , pp. 48–9. Tukhachevsky “100% clean,” Stalin to Molotov, 23 Oct. 1930, Molotov Letters, p. 223.

[78] RGASPI 558.11.778.38, Menzhinsky to Stalin 10 Sept. 1930.

[79] RGASPI 74.2.38.56, Stalin to Tukhachevsky 7 May 1932.

[80] Nadya to Stalin and Stalin to Nadya, 10 Sept. 1930 and 24 Sept. 1930, quoted in Radzinsky, p. 275.

[81] RGASPI 558.11.1550.43–3, Stalin to Nadya 24 Sept. 1930.

[82] RGASPI 558.11.728.40–2, Stalin to Yenukidze 13 Sept. 1933. Yenukidze leans to right: MR, p. 173.

[83] Molotov Letters, 23 Aug. and 2 Sept. 1930, p. 203.

[84] RGASPI 558.11.1550.43–5, Nadya to Stalin 24 Sept. 1930. Stalin to Molotov 13 Sept. 1930, Molotov Letters, p. 213. RGASPI 74.2.37.9–12, Voroshilov to Stalin 8 Oct. 1930. Kaganovich, p. 60. RGASPI 558.11.765.68, n.d. Mikoyan to Stalin. RGASPI 558.11.778.43, Sergo to Stalin 9 Oct. 1930.

[85] Lenin himself had governed as Premier (Chairman of Sovnarkom) from 1917 to 1924. On his death, his natural successor, Kamenev, had not succeeded to the post partly because he was a Jew not a Russian. Hence Rykov got the job.

[86] Khlevniuk, Circle, pp. 51–2.

[87] Molotov Letters, p. 223.

[88] Getty, pp. 46–9. RGASPI 74.2.37.9–12, Voroshilov to Stalin 8 Oct. 1930. Lominadze/Ordzhonikidze and Stalin’s attack on “princely” Ordzhonikidze in 1937: Khlevniuk, Ordzhonikidze, pp. 34–7, 172.

[89] Stalin proudly advertised this to the novelist Maxim Gorky in Italy: “He’s a brave, clever, quite modern leader—his real name is Scriabin.” (Did Stalin, always an intellectual snob, add the “Scriabin” to impress Gorky with Molotov’s false association with the composer to whom he was not related?)

[90] Stalin as referee of rows in the PB: Kaganovich vs. Sergo over transport, Stalin—“You’ll die without transport,” Kaganovich, p. 160; Kaganovich vs. Molotov, pp. 61, 130. RGASPI 558.11.765.72–3, Mikoyan to Stalin 12 Sept. 1931. Sergo “did not love Molotov,” Mikoyan, p. 324. There was a pattern: Sergo vs. Molotov and Kuibyshev, though he also argued with his friend Kaganovich.

[91] Kaganovich: 200% Stalinist, MR, pp. 192, 228–9, 362. Amber beads: N. I. Strakhov in Bialer (ed.), p. 445. L. M. Kaganovich, Pamiatniye Zapiski, p. 19. Kaganovich, pp. 29, 77–8, 105. Locomotive: Artyom Sergeev. E. Rees, Stalinism and Soviet Rail Transport, pp. 111–8. Kaganovich the Centralist: Service, Lenin, p. 383. Robert Service, Bolshevik Party in Revolution: A Study in Organizational Change 1917–23, pp. 106–8, 129. Easter, p. 73, Kosherovich, Stalin a little finger: KR I, pp. 57, 75–77, also Medvedev, p. 507. Writing errors but quick and clever: Bazhanov, pp. 8, 74. G. Bessedovsky, Revelations of a Soviet Diplomat, pp. 219–23. Volkogonov, pp. 247–8. Handsome, long eyelashes and Stalin’s sensitivity: Sergo B, p. 51. Home life, love story with wife, reading textbooks, toolset: interview Joseph Minervin, Kaganovich’s grandson. Masculine Jewish accent:Galina, pp. 162–3. Like a very fat landowner: Svetlana OOY, p. 353. Service in Red Army Agitprop section in 1917–18: John Erickson, Soviet High Command, p. 20. Hot temper: Malyshev in Beria A fair, p. 83. Boots examined: Volkogonov, pp. 247–8. Hitting or lifting up: interview N. Baibakov. School cribs when seeing Stalin: Charkviani, p. 33. Career and punctuation marks: Stalin i Kaganovich Perepiska 1931–36 (henceforth Kaganovich Perepiska), p. 40, Kaganovich to Stalin 11 Aug. 1931. Personal photographs of family man: RGASPI 81.1.160. On grain expedition, exhaustion: RGASPI 81.1.160.31–2. Robespierre: Kaganovich, pp. 56, 140.

[92] “Thou”: Kaganovich, p. 129. Mikoyan, p. 352. Dear Soso: RGASPI 558.11.765.68 UD, Mikoyan to Stalin.

 

[93] Anne Applebaum, GULAG, pp. 64, 521–2.

[94] RGASPI 558.11.27.56.72, Stalin notes, 3 May 1933.

[95] Throughout his career, he would keep the crown jewels, as it were, the Soviet gold reserve or the number of tanks in his reserve at the Battle of Moscow in 1941, scribbled in his personal notebook. He took a special interest in gold production, which was mostly by forced labour.

[96] RGASPI 558.11.27.6–7, n.d., probably 1928: Stalin, bread. 558.11.27.37: Stalin’s lists.

[97] Put it off until Wednesday, RGASPI 74.2.38.21, Stalin to Voroshilov 31 Feb. 1927. Military matters: 74.2.38.37, Stalin to Voroshilov 3 Jan. 1929. Out of town: RGASPI 74.2.39.49, Stalin and Voroshilov, n.d.

[98] The Red Army’s Inspector of Cavalry, Semyon Budyonny, born on the Cossack Don, was a former sergeant in the Tsarist Dragoons, decorated during WWI with the St. George Cavalryman’s ribbon, the highest distinction available. He served first the Tsar, then the Revolution, and then Stalin personally for the rest of his life, distinguishing himself at Tsaritsyn in Voroshilov’s Tenth Army and rising to worldwide fame as commander of the First Cavalry Army. When Babel published his Red Cavalrystories, telling of the cruelty, lyricism and machismo of the Cossacks, and Budyonny’s taciturn ruthlessness (and “dazzling teeth”), the furious commander tried unsuccessfully to suppress them. Never rising to the Politburo, he remained one of Stalin’s intimates until the war and, though always devoted to cavalry, studied hard to modernize his military knowledge.

[99] Country life: Svetlana RR; authors interviews Kira Alliluyeva, Artyom Sergeev, Leonid Redens, Vladimir Alliluyev (Redens), Stepan Mikoyan and Sergo Mikoyan, Yury Zhdanov, Nadezhda Vlasika, Natalya Poskrebysheva. Svetlana, Twenty Letters, pp. 34–40 (including Bukharin’s fox). Richardson, Long Shadow, pp. 111–8. Pauker: Orlov, pp. 339–41. Father Christmas: interview Kira Alliluyeva. Pauker pimps for Stalin: M. Shreider, NKVD iznutri. Zapiski chekisti, p. 24. Tennis with Nadya: RGASPI 74.1.429.65–6, diary of E. D. Voroshilova. Stalin re-establishes Christmas trees: Brooks, Thank You C. Stalin, p. 71. N. Petrov and K. V. Scorkin, Kto Rukovodil NKVD 1934–41: Spravochnik.

[100] Poskrebyshev: RGASPI 558.11.786.120, Stalin to Poskrebyshev 19 Jan. 1932. Bureaucratism RGASPI 558.11.27.106, Stalin note to himself 13 Aug. 1936. Stalin tells off Poskrebyshev: “What happened? You forgot . . .”: RGASPI 558.11.786.107–9, Stalin to Poskrebyshev 30 July 1930, and RGASPI 558.11. 786.110, Stalin to Poskrebyshev, n.d., 1930. Interviews with Natalya Poskrebysheva, Artyom Sergeev, Leonid Redens, Yury Zhdanov, Nadezhda Vlasik, Kira Alliluyeva. RGASPI 558.11.774.118, Poskrebyshev signs “P.” Sergo B, p. 141. Bazhanov, pp. 43, 34–6, 94. Medvedev, p. 371. Mikoyan, p. 535. “Stalin’s faithful dog”: KR I, p. 295. “Women got P into trouble”: MR, p. 223. Khlevniuk, Circle, p. 141. Stalin called P “Chief”: Svetlana OOY, p. 332–3. Tucker, Power, pp. 123–5. Bazhanov, pp. 43, 94, 345–6. Volkogonov, pp. 202–4. N. E. Rosenfeldt,Knowledge and Power: The Role of Stalin’s Secret Chancellery in Soviet System and Government, pp. 76, 158, 181. Stalin’s day in late twenties: Vlasik quoted in Chinsky, p. 33. You’ll terrify people: Vechernii Klub, 22, Dec. 1992.

[101] Stalin’s ex-secretary, now Editorial Director of Pravda, Lev Mekhlis, actually kept a “Bolshevik diary” for his newborn son, Leonid, in which he confided the crazy fanatical faith in Communism for which he was creating “this man of the future, this New Man.” On 2 January 1923, the proud father records how he has placed Lenin’s portrait “with a red ribbon” in the pram: “The baby often looks at the portrait.” He was training the baby “for the struggle.”

[102] Kirov, for example, had not seen his sisters for twenty years when he was assassinated and indeed he had not even bothered to tell them who or where he was. They only discovered when they read it in the papers that the famous Kirov was their brother Kostrikov.

[103] Interviews Artyom Sergeev, Stanislas Redens, Vladimir Alliluyev, Kira Alliluyeva. Natalya Poskrebysheva. Svetlana RR. Party culture: Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism pp. 14–21. Service, Lenin, pp. 142, 153–5, 377–8. Tucker, Power, p. 120. Zubok, pp. 3–8. Kaganovich calls Stalin “our father”: Kaganovich to Ordzhonikidze quoted in Khlevniuk, Stalinskoe Politburo, pp. 148–52. Mikoyan’s severity: Stepan M, p. 34. Kirov, pp. 159–61. Irina Yenukidze interviewed on TV film, Stalin’s Secret History, pt. 3.

[104] These long holidays were formally proposed by his colleagues so the decrees in the archives often read: “At the proposal of Ordzhonikidze” or “To approve the proposition of Comrades Molotov, Kaganovich, Kalinin to grant Comrade Stalin twenty days holiday.”

[105] RGASPI 558.11.1481.27, Tovstukha to Yagoda 9 June 1926. RGASPI 558.11. 1481.28–41. Decrees by PB on holidays of Stalin from 1922–1934.

[106] Mukhalatka was the favourite resort of Molotov and Mikoyan, though both also holidayed in orbit around Stalin at Sochi. It remained a Soviet favourite: the resort is close to Foros where Gorbachev was arrested during the 1991 coup d’état. Naturally, being Bolsheviks, the leaders were always sacking the local officials at these resorts: “Belinsky was rude . . . not for the first time,” Stalin wrote to Yagoda and Molotov. “He should be removed at once from control of Mukhalatka. Appoint someone of the Yagoda type or approved by Yagoda.” If they did not find the holiday houses to their taste, they proposed new luxuries: “There’s no good hotel on the Black Sea for tourist and foreign specialists and working leaders,” wrote Kalinin to Voroshilov. “To hurry it up, we must give it to the GPU.”

[107] RGASPI 558.11.68.49, n.d.

[108] RGASPI 558.11.71.26–8, S. Parchine to Sergeyev 27 June 1927. Chinsky, pp. 28–9.

[109] In the mid-thirties, Miron Merzhanov, Stalin’s architect, rebuilt the house in stone. The big, dark green house is still there: there is now a museum with a dummy of Stalin at his desk, a Café Stalin, and a mini-Stalin theme park in the gardens.

[110] RGASPI 558.11.71.26–8, S. Parchine to Sergeyev 27 June 1927. Chinsky, p. 28. Artyom Sergeev.

Mikoyan, p. 291. Happy troupe: Larina, p. 188.

[111] Molotov Letters, p. 233. Stalin to Molotov 1 Sept. 1933. RGASPI 79.1.769.1, Yenukidze to Kuibyshev, n.d.

[112] Chinsky, p. 37.

[113] RGASPI 73.2.44.11, Stalin to Andreyev, n.d.

[114] RGASPI 558.11.778.26, Stalin to Ordzhonikidze 23 Aug. 1930, and then Ordzhonikidze and Kaganovich to Stalin, RGASPI 558.11.778.24–5.

[115] RGASPI 558.11.71.26–8, S. Parchine to Sergeyev 27 June 1927. Also Chinsky, p. 28. Artyom Sergeev. Stalin from the south to Poskrebyshev in Moscow: “Can you come to see me for a couple of days? If you decide to come, bring books and articles . . .” RGASPI 558.11.786.110.

[116] RGASPI 74.2.7.46–51, Voroshilov to Stalin 6 June 1932 and 21 June 1932.

[117] But this has been a boon for historians: their main communication was by letter until 1935 when a safe telephone link was set up between Moscow and the south. Trotsky had paraphrased Herzen’s comment on Nicholas I, “Genghiz Khan with a telegraph,” to call Stalin “Genghiz Khan with a telephone.” Yet it is a sobering thought that for several months a year, he ruled with no telephone at all.

[118] Molotov Letters, p. 231.

[119] RGASPI 558.11.80.87, Kaganovich to Stalin and Stalin’s reply 5 Sept. 1933 and RGASPI 558.11.739.28–29, Kaganovich to Stalin 20 Aug. 1931. Squabbling: Kaganovich Perepiska, p. 185.

[120] RGASPI 558.11.71.26–8, S. Parchine to Sergeyev 27 June 1927. Also Chinsky, p. 28. On gardener: RGASPI 558.11.786.112, Stalin to Poskrebyshev, n.d., 1930. RGASPI 74.1.429.65–8, E. D. Voroshilova 21 June 1954. Budyonny: Victor Anfilov in Harold Shukman (ed.), Stalin’s Generals, pp. 57–62. Isaac Babel, 1920 Diary, p. 89. Babel, “Kombig 2” in Collected Stories, pp. 136–7, 357. Skittles: Artyom Sergeev.

[121] Amy Knight, Beria: Stalin’s First Lieutenant (henceforth Beria), pp. 15–40. RGASPI 85.29.414.3, 85.29.370 and 85.27.71.1–2, Beria to Ordzhonikidze. MR, p. 341. Svetlana, Twenty Letters, p. 27, and Svetlana RR. “Kill his best friend”: GARF 7523.85.236.17–23, Testimony of Lavrenti Tsanava, 24 Mar. 1955. Kirov’s warning: Mgeladze, pp. 178–9. Eteri Ordzhonikidze. Artyom Sergeev. Martha Peshkova. S. Lakoba, Ocherki po politicheskoy istorii Abkhazii, pp. 101–10, 112–5. Courting of Nina Gegechkori: Sergo B, pp. 4–5. Story of train rape: Svetlana OOY, p. 355.

[122] RGASPI 558.11.778.102, Stalin to Ordzhonikidze. Medvedev, pp. 242–3.

[123] Mikoyan, pp. 351–2.

[124] RGASPI 82.2.1420.45, Stalin to Molotov 1 Aug. 1925.

[125] The driver down south was named Nikolai Ivanovich Soloviev who was supposed to have been Nicholas II’s driver. In fact Soloviev had been General Brusilov’s chauffeur but had once, during the First World War, driven the Tsar.

[126] Beria was not the only future monster with whom Stalin concerned himself on this holiday. He also showed a special interest in Nikolai Yezhov, a young official who would be the secret police chief during the coming Terror: “They say that if Yezhov extends his holidays for a month or two, it’s not so bad. Let’s prolong his holiday . . . I’m voting ‘for.’ ” Yezhov was clearly a man to watch.

[127] For tonsillitis and sore throats: Valedinsky, “Vospominaniya ,” pp. 121–6. On dentist Shapiro: RGASPI 558.11.786.117, Stalin to Poskrebyshev 8 Sept. 1930.

[128] RGASPI 558.11.778.12, Stalin to Ordzhonikidze 13 Sept. 1929. Yenukidze too received regular accounts of his bathing: “The waters here are marvellous, invaluable” but the “site isn’t good.” RGASPI 558.11.728.22, Stalin to Yenukidze 29 Aug. 1929, and RGASPI 558.11.728.30–2, Stalin to Yenukidze 9 Sept. 1929.

[129] RGASPI 558.11.769.159–61.

[130] RGASPI 558.11.778.26, Stalin to Ordzhonikidze 23 Aug. 1930, and then Ordzhonikidze and Kaganovich to Stalin, RGASPI 558.11.778.24–5.

[131] RGASPI 558.11.769.109–16, Molotov to Stalin.

[132] RGASPI 558.11.778.24, Ordzhonikidze to Stalin 17 July 1930.

[133] RGASPI 558.11.1550.53–8, Sept. 1931.

[134] RGASPI 558.11.1550.58–60, Stalin to Nadya 14 Sept. 1931.

[135] Later, the old dictator would preside over drinking contests in which his guests would have to drink a cup of vodka for every degree they got wrong.

[136] RGASPI 74.2.38.47, Stalin to Voroshilov 24 Sept. 1931. RGASPI 558.11.712.108, Budyonny to Stalin 25 May 1931. RGASPI 74.2.37.54–9, Voroshilov to Stalin 26 July 1932.

[137] RGASPI 558.11.1550.52–67, letters of Stalin to Nadya and Nadya to Stalin between 9 and 29 Sept. 1931, and note of Svetlana to father.

[138] Mikoyan was the Vicar of Bray of Soviet politics. “From Illich [Lenin] to Illich [Leonid Illich Brezhnev],” went the Russian saying, “without accident or stroke!” A veteran Soviet official described Mikoyan thus: “The rascal was able to walk through Red Square on a rainy day without an umbrella [and] without getting wet. He could dodge the raindrops.”

[139] On famine: Tucker, Power, pp. 190–5. Conquest, Harvest, pp. 225–59. RGASPI 74.1.429.65–6, E. D. Voroshilova 21 June 1954. Mikoyan: never boring and languages: Artyom Sergeev. Khrushchev “cavalier”: Cecil Parrott, The Serpent and the Nightingale, p. 83. “Shrewd fox”: William Taubman, Khrushchev the Man and His Era, p. 581. Early life, seminary, marriage: Mikoyan. Family life: Stepan Mikoyan and Sergo Mikoyan. Most attractive: Svetlana, OOY , p. 346. Dodging raindrops: D. Sukhanov quoted in Miklos Kun, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait, p. 295. Songs including church hymns: MR, p. 189. Stalin’s favourite ecclesiastical hymn: “Mnogaya leta,” Galina, pp. 95–7. RGASPI 74.1.429.65–6. Unpublished diary of E. D. Voroshilova 21 June 1954. Orlov, quoting Pavel Alliluyev on p. 322. Dirty songs: K. K. Ordzhonikidze memoirs in Medvedev, p. 329. Professional singer: Charkviani. Stalin to Truman in Gromyko, Memoirs, p. 113.

[140] Beal, the American, reported to the Chairman of Ukraine’s Central Executive Committee (the titular President), Petrovsky, who replied: “We know millions are dying. That is unfortunate but the glorious future of the Soviet Union will justify it.” By 1933, it is estimated that 1.1 million households, that is seven million people, lost their holdings and half of them were deported. As many as three million households were liquidated. At the start of this process in 1931, there were 13 million households collectivized out of roughly 25 million. By 1937, 18.5 million were collectivized but there were now only 19.9 million households: 5.7 million households, perhaps 15 million persons, had been deported, many of them dead.

[141] If anything, the Old Bolsheviks had a religious education: Stalin, Yenukidze and Mikoyan were seminarists, Voroshilov a choirboy; Kalinin attended church into his teens. Even Beria’s mother spent so much time at church, she actually died there. Kaganovich’s Jewish parents were frum: when they visited him in the Kremlin, his mother was not impressed— “But you’re all atheists!” she said.

[142] RGASPI 558.11.712.108, Budyonny to Stalin 25 May 1931. Kaganovich Perepiska, pp. 168–9, 179–80, Stalin to Kaganovich 15 and 18 June 1932. Tucker, Power, pp. 119, 190–6; statistics pp. 180–1 and 187. Kopelev, pp. 32–3, 41. Service, Lenin, p. 401.Molotov Letters, p. 230. Party culture: Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism, pp. 14–21; Service, Lenin, pp. 142, 153–5, 377–8; Tucker, Power, pp. 1–9, 120; Zubok, pp. 3–8. Warrior priests: Sergo B, p. 291; Service, Lenin, p. 458. On social system based on blood-letting: Yakovlev, p. 8. Fanatic father: Sergo Mikoyan; Sergo B, p. 133. Candide Charkviani: “Stalin had always been a convinced fanatic, he would sacrifice everything for the victory of socialism . . . even in family matters,” p. 61. Religion: Kaganovich, pp. 106–7. Lozovsky: “I was religious until I was thirteen,” and Kalinin, in Joshua Rubenstein and Vladimir Naumov, Stalin’s Secret Pogrom, p. 58. Sacredness of “comrade”: Julia Minc in Oni, p. 16; total faith, Stefan Staszewski, pp. 128–37; inner need, Jakub Berman, p. 207. Molotov’s contempt for the Nazis and Western leaders, MR, p. 20, and quoted in Zubok, p. 26. Kirov—no theoretical works: MR, p. 221. Stalin on Mao: Zubok, p. 62. Stalin and Krupskaya; MR, p. 133. Stalin and Yakovlev quoted in Bialer (ed.), p. 99. Lenin and the Terror: quote from Service, Lenin, p. 421. Praise for Stalin as Communist fighter: Rudzutak, 7–12 Jan. 1933, quoted in Getty, p. 93. Stalin and pity for friendships: Stalin to Molotov 24 Aug. 1930, Molotov Letters, p. 206. Punching: Molotov Letters, p. 210. Stalin to Molotov, 2 Sept. 193o, p. 210. Nadezhda Mandelstam, Hope Against Hope, pp. 164–6. Molotov’s love letter discussing Marxism: RGASPI 82.2.1592.8–9, Molotov to Polina 19 Aug. 1940.

[143] The Alliluyevs had only recently returned from Germany and they were shocked by the changes: “There were barriers and queues everywhere,” remembers Kira. “Everyone was hungry and scared. My mother was ashamed to wear the dresses she brought back. Everyone made fun of European fashions.”

[144] Kira Alliluyeva. Svetlana, Twenty Letters, p. 37. Artyom Sergeev.

[145] RGASPI 558.11.1549.40, Nadya to Keke Djugashvili 12 March 1932. Larina, pp. 65, 142. Bukharin’s influence and Yenukidze: MR, p. 173.

[146] Nadya the snitch: RGASPI 85.28.63.13, Nadya Alliluyeva to Ordzhonikidze complaining of neglect of Stalin’s call for correct training of technicians at Academy, 2 Apr. 1931. Thanks to Robert Service for this information. Interview with Nina Budyonny. Tormentor and Pauker’s “peppery woman”: Orlov, p. 315. Zhenya on sickness and Stalin on caffeine: Svanidze diaries, 9 May 1935 and 11 Sept. 1933. Chicken out of window: Svetlana, Twenty Letters, pp. 90–104, 114–6. Irina Yenukidze interview on TV film, Stalin: Secret History, pt. 3. Eteri Ordzhonikidze. Unbalanced: MR, p. 173.

[147] RGASPI 558.11.754.121, Stalin to Kosior 26 Apr. 1932.

[148] MR, pp. 42–3.

[149] Margaret Thatcher used a similar expression about her favourite minister, Lord Young: “He brings me solutions: others bring me problems.” Every leader prizes such lieutenants.

[150] RGASPI 558.11.90–132, Stalin’s meeting with Transkavkaz Kraikom and Secretaries on appointment of Beria. Medvedev, pp. 242–3. Local bosses try to recall: Beria, intrigue with Redens: RGASPI 558.11.801.42, Redens to Stalin 14 Nov. 1930.

[151] RGASPI 79.1.777.1, Kaganovich to Kuibyshev 2 July 1932. Holiday: 29 May 1932 meetings with Kaganovich, Kuibyshev, Ordzhonikidze etc.: IA. Tucker, Power, pp. 109–95. Conquest, Harvest , pp. 225–59.

[152] Lakoba, p. 115.

[153] Stalin felt the “circle of friends,” tempered by the fight with the oppositions, was falling apart under the pressure of crisis and rows between Sergo and Molotov, as he confided in Kaganovich: Comrade Kuibyshev, already an alcoholic, “creates a bad impression. It seems he flees from work . . . Still worse is the conduct of Comrade Ordzhonikidze. The latter evidently does not take into account that his conduct (with sharpness against Comrades Molotov and Kuibyshev) leads to the undermining of our leading group.” Furthermore, Stalin was dissatisfied with Kosior and Rudzutak among others in the Politburo.

[154] RGASPI 74.2.37.54–9, Voroshilov to Stalin 26 July 1932. Also RGASPI 54.1.100.101–2, Stalin to Kaganovich.

[155] Stalin to Churchill: W. S. Churchill, The Second World War, 4, pp. 447–8.

[156] Just as the grain fuelled the industrial engine, so did the peasants themselves. The same week, Stalin and Sergo, on holiday in Sochi, ordered Kaganovich and Molotov to transfer another 20,000 slave labourers, probably kulaks, to work on their new industrial city, Magnitogorsk. The repression was perhaps used deliberately to provide slave labour.

[157] OGPU reports to Stalin on holiday: RGASPI 558.11.79.101 and 129. On 7th August Law: RGASPI 558.11.78.85, Kaganovich, Molotov to Stalin 24 July 1932. Ordzhonikidze also on holiday: RGASPI 558.11.78.39, Stalin to Kaganovich and Molotov 14 July 1932. The Korneiev Case: RGASPI 558.11.79.10, Kaganovich to Stalin 15 Aug. 1932. RGASPI 558.11.79.8–9. Voroshilov to Stalin 15 Aug. 1932. RGASPI 558.11.79.8, Stalin to Kaganovich, Voroshilov 15 Aug. 1932. Khlevniuk, Circle, pp. 102–3. Chinsky, pp. 88–94. Lose Ukraine, warns Redens: RGASPI 81.3.99144–51, Stalin to Kaganovich 11 Aug. 1932, Kaganovich Perepiska, p. 273. Bukharin and Yenukidze: MR, p. 173.

[158] Riutin: Khlevniuk, Circle, pp. 101–2. Kirov, p. 154. Tucker, Power, pp. 210–11. 27 August: IA.

[159] RGASPI 558.11.1551, IA.

[160] On Riutin Platform and Nadya: Radzinsky quotes Vlasik by Antipenko, p. 286. Khlevniuk, Circle, pp. 101–2. Kirov, p. 154. Tucker, Power, pp. 210–11. So many enemies: Mgeladze, pp. 117–8.

[161] None of the great writers, like Akhmatova, Mandelstam, Pasternak, Bulgakov or Babel, were there but Sholokhov, whom Stalin regarded as “a great artistic talent,” was present.

[162] The CC sent Stalin lists of reliable writers arranged into different sections of loyalty and political usefulness. There were old writers like Gorky and a special section for tame outsiders like Alexei Tolstoy and Ehrenburg. RGASPI 558.11.815, Y. Yakovlev to Stalin 3 July 1933.

[163] RAPP as “literary wing”: Orlando Figes’s phrase, Natasha’s Dance, pp. 262–4, 471. KGB Lit. Archive.

[164] “During the Congress I was busy with work,” he wrote to Gorky during 1930 in a friendly, confiding tone. “Now things are different and I can write. It’s not of course good, but now we have the opportunity to smooth out the fault. “No fault, no repentance, no repentance, no salvation.” They say you’re writing a play about the wreckers and you want new material. I’m gathering material and will send it to you . . . When are you coming to the USSR?” He treated Gorky almost as a member of the Soviet government, consulting him on Molotov’s promotion. If he was late in his replies, Stalin apologized for his “swinish” behaviour.

[165] RGASPI 74.2.38.89, Stalin to Voroshilov. Mikoyan visits Gorky, Stepan M., p. 38. Svetlana, OOY, p. 327. Martha Peshkova. KGB Lit. Archive, p. 257. Another example of Stalin’s cynical view of Gorky: when Gorky showed Stalin another of his works, in which Bela Kun, the brutal Hungarian Bolshevik, was thanked, Stalin suggested removing Kun’s name: “It will only weaken the effect of Humanism. Greetings! Stalin.” RGASPI 558.11.720.28, Stalin to Gorky 16 Mar. 1934.

[166] KGB Lit. Archive, p. 261. Pravda, 15 Nov. 1930.

[167] Voroshilov, another Bolshevik seigneur, regularly sent Yagoda aristocratic gifts: “I received the horse,” Yagoda thanked Voroshilov in one note. “It’s not just a horse but a full-blooded thoroughbred. Warmest thanks. GY.” But he was also married to revolutionary royalty: Ida, his wife, was the niece of Sverdlov, the organizing genius and first Head of State. By coincidence, Gorky had adopted Ida’s uncle. Yagoda’s brother-in-law was Leopold Averbakh, a proletarian writer, who had been Chairman of RAPP, helping to lure Gorky back to Moscow and forming one of his circle when he arrived.

[168] Yagoda: Yagoda, pp. 15–18; spending R3.7 m. on his dachas, p. 444. KGB Lit.Archive, pbk, pp. 253–7. “Everyone goes to see someone”: Mandelstam, pp. 79–80, 113. Babel and Yagoda: A. N. Pirozhkova, At His Side: The Last Ten Years of Isaac Babel, p. 63. Timosha and Yagoda: Vasilieva, Deti Kremlya, pp. 283–7. Yagoda’s thoroughbred: RGASPI 74.2.45.

[169] KGB Lit. Archive, pp. 257–9. Radzinsky, pp. 259–63, based on accounts by Peter Pavlenko, Evgeny Gabrilovich and Korneli Zelinsky. Figes, Natasha, pp. 470–74. Brooks, Thank You C. Stalin, p. 108. Evgenii Gromov, Stalin: Vlast i Iskusstvo, pp. 150–5—pearl penknife, “taste of iron,” laughing at first in account of writer K. Zelinsky. A. Kemp-Welch, Stalin and the Literary Intelligentsia, pp. 12–31.

[170] The Forsyte Saga by Galsworthy and Fenimore Cooper’s Last of the Mohicanswere probably the most popular foreign works for the entire Politburo, who all seemed to be reading what they analysed as a damning indictment of a capitalist family, and of British imperialist repression in the Americas.

[171] Boris Pilniak, Russia’s most respected novelist until Gorky’s return, who had fallen into disfavour, wrote nervously to Stalin to ask if he could go abroad: “Esteemed Comrade Pilniak,” replied the leader (sarcastically, since he hated Pilniak for his short story “Tale of the Unextinguished Moon,” implying Stalin had arranged the medical murder of Defence Commissar Frunze in 1925), “Inquiries show the bodies of control are not opposed to your going abroad. They doubted it but now cease to doubt. So . . . your going abroad is decided. Good luck. Stalin.” Pilniak was executed on 21 April 1938.

[172] Good Soldier Svejk: Rybin, Oktyabre 1941. Dostoevsky: Djilas, pp. 110, 157. Library: Svetlana, OOY, pp. 14, 327. Still studying: Svetlana, Twenty Letters, p. 222. Reading Chekhov to Alliluyevs: Kira Alliluyeva. Reading Zoshchenko to boys: Artyom Sergeev. Reading Saltykov-Shchedrin to Zhdanov: Yury Zhdanov. Svetlana OOY, pp. 335–7. Reading Knight in Panther Skin to Voroshilov: Ketevan and Shalva Nutsibidze, Nakaduli, pp. 96–105. Deep knowledge of Georgian literature: Charkviani, pp. 68–73. Knowledge of antiquity: MR, p. 177. Fenimore Cooper’s Last of the Mohicans : Oleg Troyanovsky. Stalin’s library: RGASPI 558.3.186, Anatole France’s Sub Rosa. “Ha-ha-ha!”—see, for example, Gamsakhurdia: RGASPI 558.3.50. Gulia Djugashvili in Enzo Biagi, Svetlana: The Inside Story, pp. 53–4 and Svetlana OOY, p. 336. Stalin reading Gogol, Chekhov, Hugo, Thackeray, Balzac: Stalin wrote his comments on the books as he read them: he really went to town on Anatole France’s Sub Rosa. When France says he wants to write about love and death, Stalin joked: “Pity he didn’t manage it.” When France discusses how the Jewish God was cruel and petty, Stalin noted, “Anatole is quite a big anti-Semite. He was a pedant.” France suggested people followed their own dreams, to which Stalin commented: “Revealed truth,” adding, “Those who trust in God don’t understand him.” On God, he mused, “So didn’t know, did not see God did not exist for me. And where can I go? (Greeting to God) Ha-ha!” France claimed that Napoleon would have chosen the Sun as his God. “Good,” wrote Stalin. On F. Leonidze’s work on Georgi Saakadze, he covered the pages with “What does this mean?” and “Foolish scene.” RGASPI 558.3.186. On Bulgakov: RGASPI 558.11.711.63 and 74–5, Stalin to V. Bil-Belotsarkovsky Dec. 1928, and n.d. J. A. E. Curtis, Manuscripts Don’t Burn: Mikhail Bulgakov: A Life in Letters and Diaries, pp. 69–71, 111–13. On telephone call to Bulgakov: KGB Lit. Archive, pbk, p. 91. RGASPI 558.11.773.44, Stalin to N. Y. Marr 20 Jan. 1932. Stalin loved Zola, “find out what they read” and 500 pages a day: Sergo B, p. 142. On Pilniak: see KGB Lit. Archive, pbk, pp. 139–57.

[173] There were chairs hidden there for those of weak disposition to take a rest, and even better, there was a room behind with a bar for those who needed Dutch courage. The first Bolshevik Head of State, Yakov Sverdlov, died in 1919 after a freezing parade; the Politburo member Alexander Shcherbakov died after attending the 1945 victory parade; the Czech President Klement Gottwald died after enduring the icy hours of Stalin’s funeral on the Mausoleum.

[174] Easter, pp. 127, 177. “Molot,” 8 Nov. 1932, and Pravda, 19 Nov. 1932. Corpses: Kopelev, p. 33. RGASPI 558.11.1549.40, 12 Mar. 1932. Khrushchev, Glasnost, pp. 14–15. On Stalin’s meetings 8 November 1932: IA. On Yagoda and the report on activities of A. Eismont and A. P. Smirnov: Radzinsky, p. 268. Svetlana, Twenty Letters , pp. 114–6. Caffeine: Svanidze diaries, 11 Sept. 1933. “Arrests just before November dinner: Tucker, Power, pp. 189, 210–11. Artyom Sergeev. Kira Alliluyeva. Natalya Andreyeva. “So much pressure,” enemies; Mgeladze, pp. 117–8.

[175] The gun: Nadezhda’s request to Pavel: interview with Kira Alliluyeva, 10 July 2001. Artyom Sergeev actually handled the pistol: interview May–June 2001. The flat: Svetlana, Twenty Letters, pp. 116–7. Artyom Sergeev. Time of death: Dr. Kushner’s secret report, GARF 7523c.149a.2–7.





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